Forms offline problem networks in politics. Magomedov K.M. The potential of the network approach as a way to study political problems in Russia. Methodological base of the research

Based on the empirical research carried out, including the content analysis of the blogosphere and social networks and the event analysis of the political practices of network communities, the authors conceptually substantiated the mechanisms for the formation of network public policy associated with the effects of networkization of modern society, which have both positive and negative results for national models of public policies in their various dimensions and contributing to the integration of offline and online social networks into various dimensions of public policy (spatial, information-discursive, institutional, managerial).

The effects of the networkization of public policy identified as a result of the study (the effect of the network expansion of public space, the effect of “network feudal lords and serfs” in the public space, the effect of the network transformation of civil society, the effect of the network institutional reverse, the effect of new network movements, the effect of new social movements, the effect of the rhizome network self-organization, the effect of networked civic journalism, the effect of networkisation of public administration) contribute to the formation in political reality of stable mechanisms for the production of networked public policy: the mechanism of network communication of the production of public space; the mechanism of the reflexive involvement of the individual in the public space; the mechanism of communicative power; the mechanism of acquiring identity in the networked public space; mechanism of institutionalization of network structures of civil society; mechanism of political transfer of innovative civil practices; the mechanism for the formation of non-institutionalized political actors; mechanism of network actualization of public discourse in the production of public decisions; a networked public mobilization mechanism; mechanism for the formation of network leaders; a network management mechanism; and an e-participation mechanism. The definition of a networked public policy includes only those political phenomena and events in which there is a “sprouting” of the effects of networkization on top of the routine practices of traditional public policy. Networked public policy is formed not according to the plan of the ruling "architect", but as a result of the integration of interacting efforts of reflective political actors, each of which positions its own plan for arranging the socio-political order in an interactive political space. In the networked public policy, the term “democracy” acquires a new content, including the “complexity of the structure” of public decision making in the context of the existence and competition of a plurality of “public regimes” in the political space, each of which is institutionalized around a certain network structure or public problem.

The concept of "network public policy" reflects a new type of its development, which is determined by its structural (network landscape) and procedural (mechanisms) components. The network landscape of public politics is a heterogeneous and dynamic structure that integrates all the variety of networks in public politics, which are characterized by pluralistic foundations of self-organization and different temporal characteristics, ensuring the continuity of the socio-cultural evolution of political reality.

Networked public policy practices and opportunities for their dissemination and development arise within the network landscape. The network landscape of public policy combines various landscape links (traditional society, modernity, postmodernity), represented by network structures and network communities of varying degrees of stability, interconnected by communicative links of different density and intensity and existing in a specific socio-cultural environment. The network landscape is tied to the political space and reflects the institutional (formal and informal) and communicative (public and latent) characteristics of network configurations from different layers of public policy. Network actors in public policy actualize old (traditional clan-clan, parochial, patron-client network relations) and new (solidarity networks, discourse networks, networks of new social movements) social networks or are based on the forms of their convergence. Changes in the network landscape can be caused both by the transformation of network configurations and the nature of communication between them, which directly affects the mechanisms of production of network public policy.

Based on the analysis and interpretation of the results of the empirical research, the "points of tension" of the functioning of social networks in the online and offline environment of public policy were identified, which are associated with the methods of actualizing the subjectivity of network communities in the online space and are determined by the global context of the reproduction of network public policy. The processes of constructing border network communities (functioning both in online and offline environments of public space) with a high potential for constructive civil action are due to the mechanism for the formation of non-institutionalized political actors. Discursive practices of networked online communities and citizen journalism penetrate into the depths of social structures, transforming individual actors of local communities into carriers of "new frames" of civic participation, which leads to the actualization of networks of civic mobilization and rhizome self-organization. The emergence of networked online communities contributes to the complication of the network landscape of Russian public policy, where all landscape links existing in different temporal modes begin to interact on the basis of network communication, which contributes to the depressurization of closed network structures and their inclusion in the production of public goods and civil partnership.

The use of the constructive potential of social networks in the development of public policy is possible through the interactive mechanisms of networked public administration. Interactive mechanisms of networked public administration, based on the reflexive involvement of individual actors in the political space integrated with the Internet environment, represent the principles and methods of network interaction between authorities and citizens in public decision-making based on modern information and communication technologies. These include e-government, e-government, open government, e-democracy, and crowdsourcing. The versatility of interactive mechanisms for the development of public policy lies in the creation of a single ecosystem that embraces the entire plurality of private interests, political and cultural patterns and styles of thinking and to integrate the innovative knowledge of actors in the development and solution of public problems. The capabilities of the ecosystem of interactive mechanisms can provide both a strategic course for the development of the state in the form of various project network structures, and vectors of alternative development of subpolitical

The results of the intellectual activity of the authors within the framework of the ongoing research project was the mathematical substantiation of the system of indicators characterizing the activity of social networks in the online and offline environment of public policy, which is reflected in the application for a certificate of official registration of the computer program “Visualization of open data: Internet mapping ”, created as a toolkit for conflictological (identifying points of tension) expertise in political research.

During the reporting period, the authors prepared 9 scientific papers on the subject of the project, of which 2 articles in journals recommended by the Higher Attestation Commission, and 1 dissertation abstract for the degree of Doctor of Political Sciences. In December, the defense of his doctoral dissertation by I.V. Miroshnichenko “Social networks in Russian public policy, which reflects the results of a research project.

The approbation of the intermediate results of the project was carried out within the framework of 9 scientific events, including: International scientific conference "Social policy and the family in changing welfare states", Moscow, NRU-Higher School of Economics, April 13-19, 2013; International scientific conference of students, graduate students and young scientists "Lomonosov-2013", Moscow, April 8-13, 2013; X International Scientific Conference "Political Design in the Space of Social Communications", Moscow, Russian State Humanitarian University, October 31 - November 1, 2013; Third International Scientific and Practical Conference "Youth Policy: World Historical Experience and Contemporary Problems", Moscow, May 13-14, 2013; II Stolypin readings: International scientific and practical conference "Russian modernization: from Stolypin to the present", Krasnodar, April 2013; All-Russian scientific conference of the RAPN with international participation "Power, business, civil society in the conditions of modernization of Russia", Moscow, November 22 - 23, 2013; All-Russian School of Young Scientists "Subjectivity in Politics: Transformations of Contemporary Publicity, Identity and Political Action", Krasnodar-Anapa, October 10-13, 2013; Round table "The space of political interaction: problems of conceptualization", held within the framework of the permanent scientific-theoretical seminar of the Center for Comparative and Socio-Economic and Socio-Political Research, IMEMO RAN; Round table of the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Krasnodar Territory "Human Rights: Dialogue between the Authorities and Civil Society", Krasnodar, November 27, 2013

The main intermediate results of the project are presented on the electronic resource ...

Based on the empirical research carried out, including the content analysis of the blogosphere and social networks and the event analysis of the political practices of network communities, the authors conceptually substantiated the mechanisms for the formation of network public policy associated with the effects of networkization of modern society, which have both positive and negative results for national models of public policies in their various dimensions and contributing to the integration of offline and online social networks into various dimensions of public policy (spatial, information-discursive, institutional, managerial). the effect of "network feudal lords and serfs" in the public space, the effect of the network transformation of civil society, the effect of the network institutional reverse, the effect of new network movements, the effect of new social movements, the effect of rhizome network self-organization nization, the effect of networked civic journalism, the effect of networkisation of public administration) contribute to the formation in political reality of stable mechanisms for the production of networked public policy: the mechanism of network communication of the production of public space; the mechanism of the reflexive involvement of the individual in the public space; the mechanism of communicative power; the mechanism of acquiring identity in the networked public space; mechanism of institutionalization of network structures of civil society; mechanism of political transfer of innovative civil practices; the mechanism for the formation of non-institutionalized political actors; mechanism of network actualization of public discourse in the production of public decisions; a networked public mobilization mechanism; mechanism for the formation of network leaders; a network management mechanism; and an e-participation mechanism. The definition of a networked public policy includes only those political phenomena and events in which there is a “sprouting” of the effects of networkization on top of the routine practices of traditional public policy. Networked public policy is formed not according to the plan of the ruling "architect", but as a result of the integration of interacting efforts of reflective political actors, each of which positions its own plan for arranging the socio-political order in an interactive political space. In the networked public policy, the term “democracy” acquires a new content, including the “complexity of the structure” of public decision making in the context of the existence and competition of a plurality of “public regimes” in the political space, each of which is institutionalized around a certain network structure or public problem. The concept of "network public policy" reflects a new type of its development, which is determined by its structural (network landscape) and procedural (mechanisms) components. The network landscape of public politics is a heterogeneous and dynamic structure that integrates all the variety of networks in public politics, which are characterized by pluralistic foundations of self-organization and different temporal characteristics, ensuring the continuity of the socio-cultural evolution of political reality. Networked public policy practices and opportunities for their dissemination and development arise within the network landscape. The network landscape of public policy combines various landscape links (traditional society, modernity, postmodernity), represented by network structures and network communities of varying degrees of stability, interconnected by communicative links of different density and intensity and existing in a specific socio-cultural environment. The network landscape is tied to the political space and reflects the institutional (formal and informal) and communicative (public and latent) characteristics of network configurations from different layers of public policy. Network actors in public policy actualize old (traditional clan-clan, parochial, patron-client network relations) and new (solidarity networks, discourse networks, networks of new social movements) social networks or are based on the forms of their convergence. Changes in the network landscape can be caused by both the transformation of network configurations and the nature of communication between them, which directly affects the mechanisms of production of network public policy. Based on the analysis and interpretation of the results of empirical research, "points of tension" in the functioning of online and offline social networks were identified. the environment of public policy, which are associated with the methods of actualizing the subjectivity of network communities in the online space and are determined by the global context of the reproduction of network public policy. The processes of constructing border network communities (functioning both in online and offline environments of public space) with a high potential for constructive civil action are due to the mechanism for the formation of non-institutionalized political actors. Discursive practices of networked online communities and citizen journalism penetrate into the depths of social structures, transforming individual actors of local communities into carriers of "new frames" of civic participation, which leads to the actualization of networks of civic mobilization and rhizome self-organization. The emergence of networked online communities contributes to the complication of the network landscape of Russian public policy, where all landscape links existing in different temporal modes begin to interact on the basis of network communication, which contributes to the depressurization of closed network structures and their inclusion in the production of public goods and civil partnership. The use of the constructive potential of social networks in the development of public policy is possible through the interactive mechanisms of networked public administration. Interactive mechanisms of networked public administration, based on the reflexive involvement of individual actors in the political space integrated with the Internet environment, represent the principles and methods of network interaction between authorities and citizens in public decision-making based on modern information and communication technologies. These include e-government, e-government, open government, e-democracy, and crowdsourcing. The versatility of interactive mechanisms for the development of public policy lies in the creation of a single ecosystem that embraces the entire plurality of private interests, political and cultural patterns and styles of thinking and to integrate the innovative knowledge of actors in the development and solution of public problems. The capabilities of the ecosystem of interactive mechanisms can provide both a strategic course for the development of the state in the form of various project network structures, and vectors of alternative development of subpolitical ones coming from below. offline environment of public policy, which is reflected in the application for a certificate of official registration of the computer program "Visualization of open data: Internet mapping", created as a toolkit of conflictological (identifying points of tension) expertise in political research. During the reporting period, the authors were 9 scientific papers were prepared on the subject of the project, of which 2 articles in journals recommended by the Higher Attestation Commission, and 1 dissertation abstract for the degree of Doctor of Political Sciences. In December, the defense of his doctoral dissertation by I.V. Miroshnichenko “Social networks in Russian public policy, which reflects the results of a research project. The approbation of the intermediate results of the project was carried out within the framework of 9 scientific events, including: International scientific conference "Social policy and the family in changing welfare states", Moscow, NRU-Higher School of Economics, April 13-19, 2013; International scientific conference of students, graduate students and young scientists "Lomonosov-2013", Moscow, April 8-13, 2013; X International Scientific Conference "Political Design in the Space of Social Communications", Moscow, Russian State Humanitarian University, October 31 - November 1, 2013; Third International Scientific and Practical Conference "Youth Policy: World Historical Experience and Contemporary Problems", Moscow, May 13-14, 2013; II Stolypin readings: International scientific and practical conference "Russian modernization: from Stolypin to the present", Krasnodar, April 2013; All-Russian scientific conference of the RAPN with international participation "Power, business, civil society in the conditions of modernization of Russia", Moscow, November 22 - 23, 2013; All-Russian School of Young Scientists "Subjectivity in Politics: Transformations of Contemporary Publicity, Identity and Political Action", Krasnodar-Anapa, October 10-13, 2013; Round table "The space of political interaction: problems of conceptualization", held within the framework of the permanent scientific-theoretical seminar of the Center for Comparative and Socio-Economic and Socio-Political Research, IMEMO RAN; Round table of the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Krasnodar Territory "Human Rights: Dialogue between the Authorities and Civil Society", Krasnodar, November 27, 2013

For four years I have been dealing with system administration of a corporate local network, and all the time, one way or another, the question pops up: “What policies should regulate Internet access for company employees?”, Every year my personal answers to this question are constantly changing. And today I would like to publish an article that will offer a discussion of this issue, and also reflect my opinion on this issue.

At the beginning of my work as a system administrator, when I came to the company, I believed that Internet access should be very strictly regulated, that everything should be taken into account and controlled. No one should receive social media in their workplaces, I referred to such media as social networks, video hosting, and so on. When I first started out, I found understanding in the eyes of colleagues, and this understanding was also reflected in the server room by the presence of: squid with access control, with a complete reporting system, with a large set of dynamic restrictions for visiting sites. Speed-limited access groups. With traffic limits. With time limits. With restrictions on file uploads. “And it seemed to me that it was great, and that it was very, very good. After all, this way employees work more productively, and system administrators become a kind of "Gods of the Internet", because it was so great to hang everyone on the day of the system. the administrator at the first entrance to the Internet page a stub of the form: “Congratulate your Admins! Today is their day. " And Vasya from the sales department for a bad face set the speed to 10kb / s. - All this was even before I came to the organization, and it seemed that this was what I needed. But in practice ...

At the last place of work, my boss always says wisely: “Don't shut down social services. networks, no extra restrictions and entities are needed "- but I always exclaimed in response -" No! Necessary! They don't do anything, they just go to social networks. networks! We need to close everything. " As time went on, and soon the old administrators began to leave, and their former responsibilities began to get me what is called "inherited." At first I was very happy! - "Oooh ... I thought. So now I am the God of the Internet, now I have the switch. "

But what came of it ..?

But in practice, it turns out that: all these restrictions greatly interfere with life for ordinary people who do not understand anything about computers and do not visit much, and they need to download documents, price lists, programs - for work, for lack of such opportunities, they constantly called the IT department and asked the "Gods of the Internet" to download the files to them. - After a while, all this began to bother me, and I had to give people full access to download files, since I simply did not want to do all this pointless work. And what did I find in the config files ...? It turns out that most of the people have already been transferred to full access without me.

And cunning people ..? - And the cunning ones can download anything they want without giving a damn about the various restrictions.
Viruses ..? - As there were many, there are many. Nothing will save you from this at the proper level, except for a bright mind and antivirus in the final workplace.
And network security ..? - Is it there with this approach? There is not. And that's why:

Port 443, and a number of other ports had to be opened, because it is obvious to everyone that a number of ports simply cannot be proxied, let alone cached at a high level. - I really liked the situation when in one very large organization I needed to provide a person with access to our servers - and what was my surprise when I found a Portable version of a SOCKS proxy server for Windows that did not require any rights, and immediately access to our server on port 443. - And I was convinced that everything in this company is very difficult with security. - Needless to say, Radmin client encrypts traffic, which means it is very unlikely that we will get caught in this scheme. - But we do not spoil, we had to once and not for long.

What happened next? - And then the management demanded a report on the site attendance of one of the employees. - And I honestly provided nicely designed squid logs, but who would think of looking at a 50 page report I printed about visited URLs ..? After all, everyone knows that visiting just one site leads to a lot of URLs. - We all limited ourselves to the total amount of traffic - and it immediately came to the understanding that, based on the duties of an employee, such a volume of traffic clearly exceeds all reasonable limits.

Does caching help dynamic content in today's Web? - I think very little.

As a result, after a few years, I began to understand all the wisdom of my boss's words. And I began to come to the conclusion that there is practically no need to be smart and be God at the L7 traffic level. And more and more I am inclined to think that it is much more efficient to count L2 / L3 traffic and watch the total amount of consumed traffic per host (week / month). Host - can be bound with DHCP + MAC - in a normal network this is enough. As a last resort, you can configure smart switches with port filtering by MAC.

It seems to me that strict Internet access policies have lost their relevance, and traffic filtering at the L7 level brings more problems than benefits ... After all, this whole thing needs to be accompanied, constantly allowed something, something forbidden. And the dry residue is practically zero from all this.

P.S. Of course, with all this, you need to understand that sometimes simplicity is worse than theft. And it is necessary to maintain a sound balance and close everything that is clearly not required for the work of employees. We are talking about small office organizations that do not work with classified data.

And what does the respected community think about this? Doesn't tough politics develop concierge syndrome, which has no use other than a bunch of unnecessary maintenance and complication problems? What are the benefits of all this complicated system of access policies? - The Windows domain is good, but more and more * Pad techniques appear, so that domains have already lost, we can say, their original meaning - a single landscape.

Consider existing technologies and means of political influence both in the period of information warfare and in "peacetime". Analyze the specifics of the audience of social networks, the principles of their functioning, the features of communication in social networks. Track and analyze political content on social media.

If this work did not suit you at the bottom of the page there is a list of similar works. You can also use the search button

Throughout the existence of human society and the state, revolutionary changes in communication technologies have been followed by significant changes in the course of the political process. At the present stage of development in the world, mass internetization is proceeding faster and faster. From a local invention of scientists, making it easier for them to research, the Internet has turned into a worldwide network, in which communication increasingly affects all aspects of human life. The world of politics does not remain aloof from this trend.

Considering political Internet communication from the point of view of the political process, it is immediately necessary to identify two key points regarding the political potential of the Internet.

On the one hand, citizens in the Network space are less dependent on the subjects of politics and their information guides, and are more independent in collecting, organizing and circulating information. And the so-called "viral editor" functioning thanks to users raises really topical topics, allowing not only to filter information, but also to analyze its various sources, points of view on the problem, to form and express one's opinion.

On the other hand, Internet technologies and the technological capabilities of modern electronics make it possible to provide a socio-political dialogue between political actors and active users of the Internet and government without leaving the desktop. And the information space of the Network provides storage of the results of such interaction for an arbitrarily long time in a set of localization points. Modern technologies for storing and transmitting photo and video materials, any careless word or action of a political subject can fly around the world in a matter of minutes, and political opponents will replicate these materials and use them through all communication channels. Moreover, such materials can be both relevant and emerging from the past.

A similar situation took place during the 2009 presidential elections in the United States, which will rightfully be included as an illustrative example in textbooks on political Internet technologies. At the peak of the election campaign, McCain's headquarters plucked a large amount of dirt on a competing candidate on the Internet, which instantly spread throughout the country. However, it should be said that Barack Obama's headquarters reacted unexpectedly outside the box. Political strategists did not provide denials and counter-compromising materials, but through the Web they turned the whole process into a well-thought-out game - the thousands of electorate of the American Internet were asked to identify and conclusively refute the slander by posting their link, and they succeeded.

However, the question of the degree of influence of the possibilities of Internet communication on the domestic political process will remain open for a long time. In any case, until the moment when the communication significance of the Internet, both in terms of technical support and the total level of Internet literacy of citizens, if not exceeds, then at least reaches the level of influence of traditional channels of mass communication. Ultimately, the transformation of the political process depends on the readiness of the state and the public to accept and use the opportunities that new communication technologies provide: changing the forms and methods of political participation, the relationship between society and political actors.

One of the indicators of such readiness can be confidently called the active formation by individual citizens of public associations, groups of interests and pressure, which accumulate common goals and involve them in an active social and political process.

Socio-political thought constantly focuses on the decrease in the level of political participation of citizens, the atomization of society, the loss of a lasting, rather than periodic, consolidating role by traditional public institutions. Traditional means of communication also played an important role in this process. Can the virtual technologies of the networked society reverse this trend?

Communication opportunities Networks can influence the political process by simplifying horizontal and vertical political ties: between government institutions, between the state and citizens, within civil society itself.

Thus, network technologies facilitate the task of consolidating citizens and their interaction with the state by overstepping the geographic and socio-demographic barriers of reality. The organizational and informational costs of political associations are reduced; increased opportunities for collecting contributions and donations; there is an opportunity to independently, through the information resources of the Network, spread their influence, find new participants - all this provides new opportunities in the self-organization of society. The Internet can foster collective action, even at the local level, down to resident associations, whose members can communicate through the Internet rather than holding permanent meetings.

At the same time, it should be understood that the communication resources of the Network both open up additional opportunities for associations already existing offline, and generate their own - virtual associations that do not exist in the real world.

The Internet enables identification and self-determination for groups of the public that cannot form in real space.

Thanks to network communication, individual individuals with common goals in different parts of the country can turn into a powerful force that exerts informational, and in some cases, activity, pressure on political actors within the framework of the system of “thought globally - act locally”. Moreover, with the help of the Network community and the “viral editor”, each individual individual can raise his personal, local problem to the national level as a systemic problem, draw the attention and actions of the authorities to it.

The concept of political networks, which is gaining momentum today, is of great importance and is highly relevant for considering the "political reality" of Russia and other countries. Of course, when it comes to Russia, it will be necessary to take into account the specifics and a number of other aspects in order to attempt a complete or partial analysis of the political problems of modern Russia.

At the beginning of this article, I consider it expedient to define such a term as: "political network", its concept, then move on to the political problems of modern Russia and projecting this concept onto it.

Unlike the concept of a political network, in the concept: "Political network", scientists do not have much controversy. Political network is defined in political theory as "more or less stable models of social relations between interdependent actors that are formed around political problems and political programs."

For R. Rhodes, political networks are formed in various sectors of the policy of a modern state (health care, agriculture, industry, education, etc.) and represent a complex of structural relationships between the political institutions of the state and society. He emphasizes the importance of the institutional component of the political network and its limitations to certain sectoral interests. Rhodes involves considering and sharing resources among network members in the process of building relationships.

Tanya Berzel, analyzing two schools in the concept of political networks - German and English, gives the following definition: to advance these interests, recognizing that cooperation is the best way to achieve common goals. "

So, for example, public management and many other traditional management approaches are being revised today and the concept of political networks claims their place. The concept of political networks in this regard encompasses a wide range of political issues. It is no coincidence that many researchers emphasize its undoubted connection with political science, and within it with the theory of democratic political decision-making and the development of a political line.

Lorenz Otuul proposes the following definition: “More specifically, networks include inter-agency cooperative rates, inter-agency program management structures, a complex set of agreements, and public-private partnerships. They also include service delivery systems based on a mix of providers, which can include public agencies, private firms, not-for-profit and even volunteer organizations, all of which have interdependencies and interests enshrined in a defined joint program. ” Here, a distinction is made between the elements of the network that deal with political decision-making and those elements that provide services based on those decisions.

Thus, the conclusion suggests itself that political networks have a number of characteristics that distinguish them from other forms of management activity in the field of public needs and interests. It seems to me that it is also important to note that the political network acts as a common cooperative interest, which naturally distinguishes it from the market, where everyone has their own interests.

Also, according to R. Rhodes, there is a typology of political networks, there are only five of them: Professional, Intergovernmental networks, Political communities, networks of producers, Problem networks. Professional networks represent the interests of a particular professional group and are based on a high degree of vertical interdependence and are also isolated from other networks. Intergovernmental networks include a wide range of interests associated with many services, limited by vertical interdependencies (since they are not responsible for the delivery of services), a wide horizontal structure, and the ability to interoperate with many other networks.

Political communities are characterized by stable relationships, stable and highly limited membership, vertical interdependence based on shared responsibility for the provision of services. Producer networks are distinguished by their significant role in the politics of economic interests (of the public and private sectors), their mobile membership, and the center's dependence on industrial organizations. Problem networks are characterized by a large number of participants with a limited degree of interdependence. Stability and consistency are held in high esteem here, and the structure tends to be atomistic.

Having more or less dealt with Political Networks, you can move on to the concept of Political Networks.

Taking into account modern realities, namely: the influence of international organizations, countries or communities on the domestic or foreign policy of the state, informatization of society and the decline in public confidence in central government bodies, all this forces us to reconsider the standard (traditional) management approaches. And a modern management model or approach to management is put forward: "The concept of political networks." The concept of political networks in this regard encompasses a wide range of political issues. It is no coincidence that many researchers emphasize its undoubted connection with political science, and within it with the theory of democratic political decision-making and the development of a political line.

“Politics and governance cannot be separated for various reasons, including a loss of clarity in the definition of public service and a loss of agreement on who is authorized to provide such services,” writes Rita Kelly.

The concept of political networks changes the angle of view of the state as an agent of politics: in contrast to the idea of ​​the dominant role of the state in policy making, in the network approach, the state and its institutions are, although important, but only one of the actors in the production of political decisions; in contrast to the idea of ​​relative independence of the state in politics, in the concept of political networks, state structures are seen as “linked” with other agents of politics and are forced to exchange their resources with them; in contrast to the idea of ​​public administration as a hierarchically organized system, the network approach proposes a new type of management - “governance”, the general characteristic of which is expressed in the formula “governance without government”.

However, criticism of rationalist institutionalist approaches to political networks overlooks a fundamental position: ideas, beliefs, values, identity and trust do more than just matter for political networks; they are constructive for the logic of interaction between network members ”.

Hakkanson and Johansson write, for example, that: "A network ... consists of actors and relationships between them, as well as of certain actions / resources and dependencies between them." I would also like to note that political networks can be assessed by such parameters as transaction costs, costs of negotiations, integration and coordination of their activities.

As for the political problems of modern Russia, I think there are a lot of them. First of all, for some reason, political problems that are connected exclusively with the economy of our country pop up before my eyes. But I will not dwell so much on economic issues, since they are quite solvable, as it seems to me. One has only to show political will and patience, and as everyone knows, our country has economic potential, despite the monstrous scale of corruption, which, as you know, harms not only the Economy, be it small or medium-sized Business, but also the effective work of organizations and government structures. and departments.

As we already know with the network approach, connections and relationships are of primary importance. Which, of course, is typical for our country, for a long time already. Taking into account the specifics of Russia and its intrastructural and interstructural relations, this approach is very useful and it most adequately demonstrates the picture for studying the political problems of the Russian Federation.

For example, the mafia, in principle, as it seems to me, can be attributed or considered as a political network. After all, as you know, the mafia is not a bunch of gangsters or Thieves in law who live only on crime. This is a part of our society with you, the truth of the criminal, which acts together and can live both in separate territories of a single country, and on the other side of the world, taking and solving important issues related to politics and economics and in many other aspects of life society and state and any international organization. A clear example of this is Italy from the middle of the 19th century.

As for our country, it has firmly rooted in our country, since the well-known 90s and even earlier, having already become a part of society, though not on such a scale as before. We have a great relevance of clan political networks, which, for a more or less educated person, are clearly demonstrated in the North Caucasus. Where there is a constant and continuous struggle for power at the clan level. For example, Dargins with Avars and Kumyks as the titular national representatives of the Republic. Or one large "teip" in Chechnya with others.

As another example, Transnational companies like Gazprom and its subsidiaries, acting as not only economic powers, but also political actors, fighting for consumers in international markets and being part of a "global" political network, on which sometimes the policies of some European countries may even depend. states.

In general, we can say with confidence that this approach, namely the network approach, and indeed the concept and theory of the political network is applicable and important for the study of Russian political problems. And the examples given are a drop in the sea of ​​those political problems that can be considered and studied, where this concept clearly demonstrates the advantages over the rest, at least for Russia.

List of used literature:

1. Public policy and management. Textbook in 2 part

1. Concepts and problems of public policy and management. / Ed. L.V.Smorgunova. M., 2006.S. 235-246

2. Kurochkin A.V. Institutionalization of networks in the management of the Russian education system.

3. Topic 8. The concept of political networks in the context of administrative systems. General methodological principles of the concept of "political networks" Baranov N.А.

4. Glazunova NI The system of government. M., 2002

5. Public service: dialogue with society. M., 1998.

6. Lebedeva T. "Public Relations". Corporate and political direction. M., 1999.

7. Kooiman J. Social and political management. Dictionary-reference book on materials "International Encyclopedia of Public and Administration") - SPb .: 2001. - P. 33