Introduction

Populism

Going to the people

Formation of social thought in the second half of the 19th century

List of used literature

Introduction

Reform of 1861 In the history of the liberation movement, Russia separates the noble period from the new raznochin or revolutionary democratic period. “The fall of serfdom caused the emergence of a commoner, as the main, mass leader of the liberation movement. The intelligentsia provides the overwhelming majority of participants in the democratic movement. "

According to the official class terminology of the time, raznochintsy are persons of “different ranks and titles”, i.e. come from petty officials, merchants, peasants, lower clergy. It is precisely the Narodnik revolutionaries who come from a diverse environment who raise the struggle against tsarism to new heights. The revolutionaries - the Narodniks entered the struggle against tsarism, as the spokesmen for land tenure, bypassing the stage of capitalism, passing directly to socialism.

Populism in its development went through several stages of development, starting from the 1860s, flourishing in the 1870s and, having exhausted its revolutionary forces, by the 1890s left the political scene.

The aim of the work is the ideology of populism.

Achieving this goal includes the sequential study of the following issues:

Populism

Going to the people

Formation of social thought in the second half of the 19th century

Populism

PEOPLE'S CHARACTERISTICS - the ideological doctrine and socio-political movement of a part of the intelligentsia of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. Its supporters aimed to develop a national model of non-capitalist evolution, to gradually adapt the majority of the population to the conditions of economic modernization. As a system of ideas, it was typical for countries with a predominantly agrarian economy in the era of their transition to the industrial stage of development (in addition to Russia, this is Poland, as well as Ukraine, the countries of the Baltic and the Caucasus, which were part of the Russian Empire). It is considered a kind of utopian socialism, combined with specific (in a number of aspects - potentially realistic) projects of reforming the economic, social and political spheres of the country's life.

In Soviet historiography, the history of populism was closely associated with the stages of the liberation movement begun by the Decembrist movement and completed by the February Revolution of 1917. Accordingly, populism was correlated with its second, revolutionary-democratic stage.

Modern science believes that the populists' appeal to the masses was dictated not by the political expediency of the immediate liquidation of the autocracy (the goal of the then revolutionary movement), but by the internal cultural and historical need for the rapprochement of cultures - the culture of the educated class and the people. Objectively, the movement and the doctrine of populism contributed to the consolidation of the nation through the removal of class distinctions, formed the preconditions for the creation of a single legal space for all strata of society.

Herzen and Chernyshevsky are the founders of populist ideology. The first signs of proton popularism are found already in the works of Russian writers of the 18th century. (A.N. Radishchev) and the beginning of the 19th century. (A.S. Pushkin, A.Ya. Chaadaev, N.V. Gogol), who showed a steady interest in social issues, the "truth of life." But A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky are considered the founders of the ideology of populism, although with the general similarity of their main views, the lack of unity and integrity in the populist doctrine itself determined their serious differences on a number of fundamental issues.

However, Herzen's peaceful concept of "non-revolutionary socialism" did not satisfy the Russian radicals headed by Chernyshevsky. Unlike Herzen (and being 16 years younger than him), Chernyshevsky did not get rid of his enthusiasm for “Westernism,” therefore his idea of ​​social progress was distinguished by a greater belief in the universality of socio-economic processes, the commonality of Russian and European development paths. Sharing socialist ideals, he did not exclude the possibility of a violent resolution of social problems - that is, revolution as "the last argument of the oppressed."

Considering, like Herzen, the educational activity of the intelligentsia, which was supposed to prepare the people for social changes, was necessary, Chernyshevsky believed, however, that not nobles, but “new people,” commoners, should become the bearers of new ideas. They meant the children of priests, officials of lower ranks, military men, merchants, literate peasants, small-scale and homeless nobles. To representatives of this social stratum, who are engaged in writing and publishing books, who by the middle of the 19th century had filled. halls of universities, vocational and technical schools, newspaper editorial offices, and later - zemstvo schools and hospitals - belonged (in contrast to the nobleman-Herzen) and Chernyshevsky himself. By the early 1860s, his passion for the Russian community was replaced by the idea of ​​more expedient transformations - the organization of urban cooperatives and labor associations in villages and towns.

Chernyshevsky clearly realized how long educational and political work should be among the people in order to solve their main social problems. The ideas promoted by him (emancipation of peasants with land without redemption, elimination of "bad governance" (bureaucracy and bribery), reforming the state apparatus, the judiciary; organizing local self-government with broad rights; convening an all-estates representative institution and establishing a constitutional order) could not be implemented in overnight. However, domestic radicals saw in his works not calls for long, scrupulous propaganda work, but the idea of ​​a revolutionary transformation of the country.

Two approaches to solving the issue of "people's happiness" became the reason for the existence of two currents within the framework of the populist movement - moderate (liberal) and radical (revolutionary). Representatives of the first ("Herzenian") strove for non-violent social, political and economic transformations. They were supposed to be aimed at modernizing the country based on traditional institutions and values, ethnocultural originality and the special role of the domestic intelligentsia. The latter, who considered themselves followers of Chernyshevsky, strove for the rapid violent overthrow of the existing regime and the immediate implementation of the ideals of socialism.

From the mid-1850s to 1881, representatives of the radical "wing" (which gives reason to call the populism of this time "revolutionary") were the rulers of the thoughts. After the events of March 1, 1881 (the assassination of Emperor Alexander II) and until the beginning of the 20th century. the influence of the liberals became more evident.

Populism as a special phenomenon of Russian culture and social consciousness. The genesis of populism is associated with the history of the formation of the Russian intelligentsia. The idea of ​​"grief and compassion for the injustice and slavery of man" (N.A. Berdyaev) gave a special coloring to the entire system of social consciousness in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Removing the confrontation between Westernism and Slavophilism, the supporters of the new ideological doctrine tried to combine elements of both currents of Russian protoliberalism. Their peculiar views - the theory of the non-capitalist path of development of Russia, the transition to socialism through the preservation, use and transformation of the collectivist principles of the rural community - have become a significant and rather isolated phenomenon of Russian philosophical thought and culture.

Despite the utopian character of this system of ideas as a whole, it contained elements of an active attitude to reality. In accordance with it, the transformations were to be carried out on the basis of a moral ideal - faith in Morality, Good, capable of changing the world. This faith and the self-sacrifice based on it, the readiness for self-sacrifice, exceptional and rational selflessness are typical of "Russian socialism" and the peculiar mentality of the progressive part of Russian society in the 19th century. In general, it could be formulated as follows: "follow the moral rule - and everything will work out."

Many of the populists strove by their own example to show the possibility of creating a new type of culture with a special attitude to work, family, science, art, morality, and religion. They wanted by personal participation to change the social development of the country, ennobling it. The sociocultural ideal of populism had a strong influence on the entire Russian society, revealing itself by the beginning of the 20th century. not only in Russian liberalism, but even in conservatism. Populist ideas were actively contested by many public figures and philosophers, but at the same time they forced them to be imbued with certain postulates of populism.

The influence of populist views was also experienced by the realists in art - the "Itinerants", as well as the composers of the "Mighty Handful" group. In a country full of a revivalist desire for freedom and social justice, saturated with a desire to create a humanistic image of a human citizen, the ideals of populism even influenced the originality of Russian symbolism, which was evidently manifested in Russian idealistic philosophy of the early 20th century. (V. Soloviev, N. Berdyaev, V. Rozanov), in the Russian version of Marxism. As a powerful social movement, populism was also reflected in Russian literature of the second half of the 19th century. Its echoes can be found in the novels of N.G. Chernyshevsky What to do? and Prologue, I.S. Turgenev Smoke, Nov, F.M. Dostoevsky Demons and many others, including relative modern ones (Yu.N. Trifonov Impatience, etc.).

Populism was multifaceted in its concepts, theories and directions, which emerged almost simultaneously. Rejection of the impending capitalist civilization, the desire to prevent its development in Russia, the desire to overthrow the existing regime and implement the partial establishment of public property (for example, in the form of a public land fund) united these idealistic "fighters for the people's happiness." Their main goals were: social justice and relative social equality, because, as they believed, "any power tends to deteriorate, any concentration of power leads to the desire to rule forever, any centralization is coercion and evil." The Narodniks were convinced atheists, but socialism and Christian values ​​freely coexisted in their minds (the liberation of public consciousness from under church diktat, “Christianity without Christ,” but with the preservation of common cultural Christian traditions). The consequence of the presence in the mentality of Russian society in the second half of the 20th century. populist ideas became the immunity of the autocracy in Russia to reasonable and balanced alternatives to state liberalism. Any liberal was perceived by the authorities as a rebel, and the autocracy stopped looking for any allies outside the conservative environment. This ultimately hastened his death.

Trends and trends in populism. According to the degree of radicalism in populism, there are (1) conservative, (2) liberal-revolutionary, (2) social-revolutionary, (3) anarchist trends.

The conservative (right) wing of populism was closely associated with the Slavophils (Ap. Grigoriev, NN Strakhov). His activities, mainly represented by the work of journalists, employees of the magazine "Nedelya" P.P. Chervinsky and I.I.Kablitsa, are the least studied.

The liberal-revolutionary (centrist) wing in the 1860-1870s was represented by G.Z. Eliseev (editorial board of the Sovremennik magazine, 1846-1866), N.N. Zlatovratsky, L.E. Obolensky, N.K. Mikhailovsky, V. G. Korolenko ("Notes of the Fatherland", 1868-1884), S. N. Krivenko, S. N. Yuzhakov, V. P. Vorontsov, N. F. Danielson, V. V. Lessevich, G. I. Uspensky, A.P. Shchapov ("Russian wealth", 1876-1918). The leading ideologists of this trend in populism (which was called "propaganda" in Soviet historiography, and "moderate" in post-Soviet historiography) were PL Lavrov and N.K. Mikhailovsky. Both of them were the rulers of the thoughts of at least two generations of Russian youth and made a huge contribution to the intellectual life of Russia in the second half of the 20th century. Both sought to combine popular aspirations and the achievements of European thought, both pinned their hopes on "progress" and, following Hegel, on "critically thinking individuals" from among the intellectuals and intellectuals.

Lavrov believed that since the “civilized Russian minority” (the intelligentsia) was obliged to the people for their “freedom from physical labor” in the name of mental improvement, then it should also give the people its debt - by enlightening and teaching them, promoting the ideas of social equality and preparing the people for revolution. One of the first among the populists, Lavrov began to call for political unification in a single organization, the height of the thoughts of the members of which would correspond to the purity of the appearance of its members, and the organizational structure would be based on the voluntary delegation of their powers by the grassroots organizations to the center, on the ability of the “lower classes” to influence decision-making “ top "and monitor their implementation.

Like Lavrov, who believed that the society of the future should develop while ensuring the freedom of the individual, the synthesis of his interests and the interests of the collective, Mikhailovsky strove to see in every person a harmonious and free subject of history. Having introduced the term “struggle for individuality” into Russian philosophy, he made like-minded people feel the naturalness of a person's striving for freedom, personal inviolability, equality in rights, mutual assistance and solidarity.

The supporters of the third, social-revolutionary wing in Russian populism (called "Blanquist" or "conspiratorial" in Soviet historiography) were not satisfied with the liberals' focus for many years of propaganda of revolutionary ideas, on the long-term preparation for a social explosion to mitigate the consequences of its blow. They were attracted by the idea of ​​forcing revolutionary events, the transition from waiting for a revolution to doing it, which was embodied a quarter of a century later in the theory and practice of Bolshevik social democracy. The main theoreticians of the social-revolutionary trend of Russian populism are P.N. Tkachev and, to a certain extent, N.A. Morozov.

Tkachev believed that a social explosion would have a "morally purifying effect" on society, that a rebel was able to shake off the "abomination of the old world of slavery and humiliation", since only at the moment of revolutionary action does a person feel free. In his opinion, there was no need to engage in propaganda and wait until the people are ripe for revolution, there is no need to "riot" the village. Tkachev argued that since the autocracy in Russia has no social support in any class of Russian society, and therefore "hangs in the air", it could be quickly liquidated. For this, the "carriers of the revolutionary idea", the radical part of the intelligentsia, had to create a strictly conspiratorial organization capable of seizing power and turning the country into a large community-commune. In a communal state, the dignity of a man of labor and science will obviously be high, and the new government will create an alternative to the world of robbery and violence. In his opinion, the state created by the revolution should truly become a society of equal opportunities, where "everyone will have as much as he can have, without violating anyone's rights, without encroaching on the shares of his neighbors." To achieve such a bright goal, Tkachev believed, it is possible to use any means, including illegal ones (his followers formulated this thesis in the slogan “the end justifies the means”).

The fourth wing of Russian populism, anarchist, was opposite to the socially revolutionary one in the tactics of achieving "people's happiness": if Tkachev and his followers believed in the political unification of like-minded people in the name of creating a new type of state, then the anarchists disputed the need for reforms within the state. The theoretical postulates of the critics of Russian hyper-statehood can be found in the works of the anarchist populists - P.A. Kropotkin and M.A. Bakunin. Both of them were skeptical of any power, as they considered it suppressing the freedom of the individual and enslaving it. As practice has shown, the anarchist movement performed a rather destructive function, although in theoretical terms it had a number of positive ideas.

So, Kropotkin, with a restrained attitude to political struggle and terror, emphasized the decisive role of the masses in the reorganization of society, called on the "collective mind" of the people to create communes, autonomies, federations. Denying the dogmas of Orthodoxy and abstract philosophizing, he considered it more useful to benefit society with the help of natural sciences and medicine.

Bakunin, believing that any state is the bearer of injustice and unjustified concentration of power, believed (following J.-J. Rousseau) in "human nature", in its freedom from the restrictions imposed by education and society. Bakunin considered the Russian person a rebel "by instinct, by vocation," but the people as a whole, he believed, had already developed the ideal of freedom for many centuries. Therefore, the revolutionaries only had to go over to organizing a nationwide revolt (hence the name in the Marxist historiography of the wing of populism headed by him “rebellious”). The purpose of the Bakunin riot is not only the elimination of the existing state, but also the prevention of the creation of a new one. Long before the events of 1917, he warned of the danger of creating a proletarian state, since "bourgeois degeneration is inherent in proletarians." He thought of the human community as a federation of communities of counties and provinces of Russia, and then the whole world, on the way to this, he believed, should be the creation of the "United States of Europe" (embodied in our days in the European Union). Like other Narodniks, he believed in the calling of the Slavs, especially the Russians, to the revival of the world, which had been brought into decline by the Western bourgeois civilization.

The first "going to the people" (1874). In the spring and summer of 1874, the "Chaikovites", and after them members of other circles (especially the "Big Society of Propaganda"), not limiting themselves to agitation among the migrant workers, went themselves to the villages of Moscow, Tver, Kursk and Voronezh provinces. This movement received the name "flying action", and later - "the first walk to the people." It became a serious test for the populist ideology.

Moving from village to village, hundreds of students, gymnasium students, young intellectuals dressed in peasant clothes and trying to talk like peasants, handed out literature and convinced people that tsarism "could no longer be tolerated." At the same time, they expressed the hope that the government, “without waiting for the uprising, would decide to make the broadest concessions to the people,” that the revolt “would be superfluous,” and therefore now it was necessary to gather forces, to unite in order to start “peaceful work” (C . Kravchinsky). But the propagandists were not met at all by the people they represented, having read books and brochures. The peasants were wary of strangers, their calls were regarded as strange and dangerous. According to the recollections of the populists themselves, they treated the stories about the “bright future” as fairy tales (“If you don’t like it, don’t listen, but don’t interfere with lying!”). N.A. Morozov, in particular, recalled that he asked the peasants: “After all, the land of God? General? " - and heard in response: “God is where no one lives. And where there are people, there she is human. "

Bakunin's idea of ​​the people's readiness for revolt failed. The theoretical models of the ideologues of populism collided with the conservative utopia of the people, their belief in the correctness of power and hope for a "good tsar".

By the fall of 1874, "going to the people" began to decline, followed by government repression. By the end of 1875, more than 900 members of the movement (out of 1000 activists), as well as about 8 thousand sympathizers and followers, had been arrested and convicted, including in the most notorious case - the “Process of the 193s”.

The second is "Land and Freedom" (1876-1879). Second “going to the people”. Having revised a number of program provisions, the Narodniks who remained at large decided to abandon the "circle" and move on to the creation of a single, centralized organization. The first attempt at its formation was the unification of Muscovites into a group called the All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization (late 1874 - early 1875). After the arrests and trials of 1875 - early 1876, she completely entered the new, second "Land and Freedom" created in 1876 (so named in memory of her predecessors). M.A. and O. A. Natanson (husband and wife), G. V. Plekhanov, L. A. Tikhomirov, O. V. Aptekman, A. A. Kvyatkovsky, D. A. Lizogub, A. D. Mikhailov, later - S.L. Perovskaya, A.I. Zhelyabov, V.I.Figner and others insisted on the observance of the principles of conspiracy, subordination of the minority to the majority. This organization was a hierarchically structured alliance, headed by a governing body ("Administration"), which were subordinate to "groups" ("villagers", "working group", "disorganizers", etc.). There were branches of the organization in Kiev, Odessa, Kharkov and other cities. The program of the organization assumed the implementation of a peasant revolution, the principles of collectivism and anarchism were declared the foundations of the state system (Bakunism), along with the socialization of the land and the replacement of the state with a federation of communities.

In 1877, the "Land and Freedom" included about 60 people, sympathizers - approx. 150. Her ideas were disseminated through the socio-revolutionary review "Land and Freedom" (Petersburg, No. 1-5, October 1878 - April 1879) and the supplement to it "Leaflet" Land and Freedom "(Petersburg, No. 1-6, March- June 1879), they were vividly discussed by the illegal press in Russia and abroad. Some of the advocates of propaganda work justifiably insisted on the transition from "flying propaganda" to long-term sedentary rural settlements (this movement was called in the literature the name of "second going to the people"). This time, the propagandists first mastered the crafts that were supposed to be useful in the village, became doctors, paramedics, scribes, teachers, blacksmiths, woodcutters. Sedentary settlements of propagandists arose first in the Volga region (center - Saratov province), then in the Don region and some other provinces. The same landowners-propagandists created a "working group" to continue agitation in factories and enterprises of St. Petersburg, Kharkov and Rostov. They also organized the first demonstration in the history of Russia - on December 6, 1876 at the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg. A banner with the slogan "Land and Freedom" was unfurled on it, G.V. Plekhanov made a speech.

The split of the landowners into "politicians" and "villagers". Lipetsk and Voronezh congresses. Meanwhile, the radicals who were members of the same organization have already called on their supporters to go over to a direct political struggle against the autocracy. The populists of the South of the Russian Empire were the first to take this path, presenting their activities as organizing acts of self-defense and revenge for the atrocities of the tsarist administration. “To become a tiger, you don't have to be a tiger by nature,” said A.A. Kvyatkovsky from the dock before the announcement of his death sentence. “There are social states when lambs become them.”

The revolutionary impatience of the radicals resulted in a series of terrorist attacks. In February 1878 V.I. Zasulich made an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg mayor F.F. Trepov, who ordered to flog a political prisoner student. In the same month, the circle of V.N. Osinsky - D.A. Lizogub, operating in Kiev and Odessa, organized the murders of the police agent A.G. Nikonov, the gendarme colonel G.E. Geyking (the initiator of the expulsion of revolutionary-minded students) and the Kharkov general -Governor D. N. Kropotkin.

From March 1878, a fascination with terrorist attacks swept St. Petersburg. A seal with the image of a revolver, dagger and ax and the signature "The Executive Committee of the Social Revolutionary Party" began to appear on the proclamations calling for the destruction of another tsarist official.

August 1878 S.M. Stepnyak-Kravchinsky stabbed the St. Petersburg chief of gendarmes N.A. Mezentsev with a dagger in response to him signing a sentence on the execution of the revolutionary Kovalsky. On March 13, 1879, an attempt was made on the life of his successor, General A.R. Drenteln. The leaflet "Land and Freedom" (chief editor - N.A. Morozov) finally turned into an organ of terrorists.

Police persecutions responded to the terrorist attacks by the landowners. Government repression, incomparable in scale with the previous one (in 1874), also affected those revolutionaries who were in the village at that time. A dozen political demonstration trials took place in Russia with sentences of 10-15 years of hard labor for print and oral propaganda, 16 death sentences were passed (1879) only for "belonging to a criminal community" (this was judged by the proclamations found in the house, proven facts transfer of money to the revolutionary treasury, etc.). Under these conditions, the preparation of A.K. Solovyov to assassinate the emperor on April 2, 1879 was regarded by many members of the organization ambiguously: some of them protested against the terrorist attack, believing that it would ruin the cause of revolutionary propaganda.

When in May 1879 the terrorists created the Freedom or Death group without coordinating their actions with the propaganda supporters (OV Aptekman, GV Plekhanov), it became clear that a general discussion of the conflict situation could not be avoided.

June 1879 supporters of active action gathered in Lipetsk to develop additions to the program of the organization and a common position. The Lipetsk congress showed that the common ideas between "politicians" and propagandists are becoming less and less.

On June 21, 1879, at a congress in Voronezh, the landowners tried to settle the contradictions and preserve the unity of the organization, but failed: on August 15, 1879, "Land and Freedom" collapsed.

Supporters of the old tactics - "villagers" who considered it necessary to abandon the methods of terror (Plekhanov, L.G. Deutsch, P.B. redistribution of land on the basis of peasant customary law, "black"). They declared themselves to be the main successors of the cause of the "land volunteers".

"Politicians", that is, supporters of active actions under the leadership of the conspiratorial party, created an alliance, which was given the name "Narodnaya Volya". A.I. Zhelyabov, S.L. Perovskaya, A.D. Mikhailov, N.A. Morozov, V.N. an explosion detonator capable of waking up the peasant masses and destroying its age-old inertia.

Formation of social thought in the second half of the 19th century

liberation populism reform russian

Philosopher, sociologist, publicist P.L. Lavrov (1823-1990) was the head of the populist propagandists. In his work "Historical Letters" he argued that natural phenomena are regular, recurring phenomena, and the phenomena of social life are phenomena that are changing, unique. According to one hundred opinion, the essence of history is the processing of traditional, stagnant social forms into civilization by "critically thinking individuals." Only these individuals, he believed, can move humanity towards equality and justice. To achieve their goals, critically minded individuals must Unite in a party that gives the struggle "direction and unity."

According to Lavrov, a peasant revolution that can lead to socialism must be carefully prepared. At the same time, not only the people should be prepared, but also their leaders - conscious revolutionaries.

The theorist of liberal populism was P.K. Mikhailovsky (1842-1904). He did not doubt the natural development of society. “That society obeys known laws in its development is undoubtedly,” wrote N.K. Mikhailovsky, - but no less undoubtedly the consciousness of a free choice of activity inherent in man. " The idea of ​​personality, individuality, all-round development of the personality is the central position of his socio-political views. Personality, but to Mikhailovsky, is the highest measure of the value of all phenomena in society. She (the "hero") is the main creator of history. Personality can develop comprehensively ("heterogeneous") in cooperation with peers. The problem of such personal development, he believed, can be provided only by socialism, which is "the triumph of the personal principle through the communal principle." Such development of the personality could not be ensured at the previous stages of human development, because history followed the line of "heterogeneity", that is, the differentiation of society, the division of labor. The living conditions of modern society, emphasized N.K. Mikhailovsky, doom the people to a miserable existence. As a result of such a life, the people turn into a “crowd”. He sincerely sympathized with the oppressed state of the people, especially the peasants. However, unlike many other populists N.K. Mikhailovsky did not believe that a popular uprising could change the social order.

In the 60s and 70s of the XIX century, an attempt to unite all the currents of Russian political thought, whose representatives stood for the positions of the originality of Russia, was made by the native people. They received this name for appeals not to break away from the “soil” that the people live on, to return to their “soil”, to the national principles. While focusing attention on the need to return to the “soil” of Russia, the native speakers did not deny the possibility of using the achievements of the Western countries in transforming social life. ).

Anarchism was a notable phenomenon of political thought in Russia in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, which was a trend that denied political power, proclaiming its goal to destroy the state. As an ideological trend, anarchism arose in the countries of Western Europe. In Russia, prominent theorists of anarchism were M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Kropotkin.

M.A. Bakunin (1814-1876) was a theorist of collectivist anarchism. He presented the history of mankind as an evolutionary process, the march of mankind from the "kingdom of animality" to the "kingdom of freedom." In his opinion, the attributes of the lowest stage of development are religion and the state. The state, according to Bakunin, is the personification of tyranny and exploitation. The state, he believed, is the main source of all social evils. oppression of the masses, and therefore it must be destroyed. In his opinion, the destruction of the state should be carried out in a revolutionary way. The destruction of the state should result in the establishment of a society of unlimited freedom, independence of people from political power. Such a society was presented by M.A. Bakunin as “a free federation of peasant and workers' collectives.

Bakunin's ideas were further developed in the work of P.A. Kropotkin (1842-1921), who was the representative of communist anarchism. P.A. Kropotkin subordinated all the phenomena of social life to the "biosocial law of mutual assistance." He believed that this law brings people together in a hostel. According to this law, he believed, people strive for cooperation, and not for struggle with each other. Therefore, P.A. Kropotkin, people should naturally come to terms with the federations of free communes. The transition to such a federation, in his opinion, is possible only in a revolutionary way. Only, the revolution can eliminate the factors that hinder the cooperation of people, the establishment of a federation of free production communities (communes). He referred to such factors as private property and state power.

List of used literature

1.Bakunin M.A. Fav. Philos. Op. letters. - M., 1987

.O. V. Zverev Reformist populism and the problem of Russia's modernization. - M .: Nauka, 2009.

.History of political and legal doctrines / Ed. V.S. Nersenyants. - M .: Publishing house NORMA, 2009.

.History of Russia: A Reference Guide / Ed. I.N. Kuznetsova. - M .: Prospect, 2010.

.Keizerova V.M. To the study of the political theory of populism / Jurisprudence, 1971 № 5.

.Munchaev Sh.M. Domestic history: Textbook - M .: YUNITI, 2009.

.Essays on the General and Patriotic History: Uchebn. allowance / Ed. ON. Dushkova. - Voronezh: Publishing house of VSTU, 2010.

.Pirumova N.M. Social doctrine of M.A. Bakunin. - M .: Nauka, 2009.

.Fedorov V.A. History of Russia 1861-1917. Training manual for the challenge. - M .: Higher school, 2010.

.Philosophy encyclopedia. - T. I. - M. 1960.

.Philosophical Encyclopedia - T 4 M., 1967.

.Mikhailovsky II.K. Full collection op. - T. 4 -SPb., 1909.

.Mikhailovsky N.K. Op. - T. I. - SPb. 1896.

.Tkachev P.II. Op. -T. I. - M., 1932.

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Danilevsky is one of the founders of the concept of Pan-Slavism. He saw Europe as an enemy and aggressor in relation to the Slavic states. He argued that material culture can be perceived by all civilizations, but the intangible elements of culture are distributed only within the boundaries of the civilization that gave birth to them.

Pobedonostsev is a prominent statesman.

Thanks to Pobedonostsev, millions of peasant children received education and formed social services. basis for Stolypin's agrarian transformations. He was a staunch opponent of democracy and Russia, he believed that the Russian peasantry was not ready for self-government. He saw the way out of the crisis in the renewal of society through the church.

II. Liberal social movement.

The Milyutins, Golovnin, Reitern, Bunge took part in the development and implementation of reforms. The political program of the liberals was aimed at protecting the reforms already implemented, at preparing a whole system of gradual reforms in the social and economic fields. Russia had to be transformed gradually in order to prevent a revolutionary explosion in the country. The liberals thought of their activities as a legal public direction and did not seek to create their own party. The journal "Vestnik Evropy" was a tribune of liberal opposition to the government course and the conservative direction. A broad zemstvo-liberal movement arose. The zemstvo consisted of liberal-minded nobles, officials, teachers, and later began to attract peasants.

III. Radical currents.

Herzen's ideas laid the foundation for the radical movement. His followers called themselves populists (they were characterized by rejection of the bourgeois, the desire to defend the interests of the peasantry, the unwillingness to recognize capitalism in Russia). The revolutionaries of the 60s and 70s denied the need for political freedoms in Russia, they wanted to provoke an immediate revolt for the establishment of universal equality in the country on the basis of collectivism.

The populist movement had several ideologists (Bakunin, Lavrov, Tkachev, Mikhailovsky). They believed that the intelligentsia was to blame before the people. it was the people who created the whole culture and this imposes a heavy responsibility on those who use this culture. The Narodniks began terror against the tsar and the government. The government began to execute the culprits and expel them. The Narodniks found themselves isolated from Russian society.

From the 80s to the 90s, Marxism conquered the revolutionary milieu in Russia. Plekhanov and his associates prepared the conditions for the creation of a Marxist party in Russia. Lenin argued that socialism can be realized with insufficient development of capitalism and without a working class. He believed that underdeveloped capitalism is a great boon for revolutionaries.

All spheres of the spiritual life of Russia in the second half of the 18th century. penetrated the ideas of the Enlightenment - coming from France, the followers of which advocated the establishment of the "kingdom of reason" on earth and therefore attached great importance to the spread of education and science. According to the enlighteners, the task of creating a harmonious society can be solved by an enlightened monarch who issues fair laws.

The largest figure of the Enlightenment in Russia was the writer, journalist, and publisher of the NI. Novikov. In 1768-1775. he published the satirical magazines "Truten", "Painter", "Pustomelya". In his publications, Novikov denounced the ignorance and arrogance of the serf nobility. The object of satire was the political system: he ridiculed bribery, embezzlement, administrative and judicial arbitrariness.

The culprit of all vices was despotism, the absence of freedoms. An important side of Novikov's activity was publishing: the publication of dictionaries, reference books, magazines. Novikov's activities pushed Catherine II to repressive actions. In 1792. he was arrested and imprisoned in the Shlisselburg fortress, where he remained until 1796.

The views of A.N. Radishchev went beyond the ideas of the Enlightenment. The formation of revolutionary ideology is associated with his name, i.e. demands for the destruction of the autocratic-serf system by revolutionary, violent means. Radishchev received his education in Moscow and St. Petersburg, studied at the University of Leipzig, and on his return to Russia entered the civil service. The formation of his views took place in the context of the peasant uprising of E. Pugachev. During these years as a military prosecutor, he got acquainted with the cases of fugitive recruits, which clearly reflected the reality of feudal Russia. All this, as well as the events of the French bourgeois revolution of 1789. brought him to the realization of the need for revolutionary changes in the country. These thoughts sounded in his ode "Liberty".

The most significant work of Radishchev was "Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow". The book was written in 1784-1789. in the form of travel notes. Here, for the first time, the real life of the serfs was displayed. Radishchev denied the possibility of reforms "from above". In his opinion, the elimination of serfdom and the provision of land to the peasants will be possible only as a result of a popular uprising. For Russia, Radishchev saw only one form of government - a republic with equal rights for all citizens. Catherine II called him "a rebel, worse than Pugachev." On her orders, he was arrested and sentenced to death, which was commuted to a 10-year exile in Ilim. Paul I returned him from exile and in 1796. Under Alexander I, Radishchev was recruited to work on the Commission for the Drafting of Laws, but his radical ideas contradicted the ideas of reformism and liberalism at the beginning of the century. In 1802. Radishchev committed suicide.



Radishchev was not the only Russian revolutionary. The names of his associates are known: F.V. Karzhavin, playwright and poet V.V. Kapnist, publicist Y. Ya. Pnin, etc.

The diametrically opposite position was taken by M.M. Shcherbatov is an ideologue of the conservative nobility. In his writings, he developed two theses: the need to maintain a dominant position in the society of the nobility and to leave the serf system unchanged. In his pamphlet "On the Damage of Morals in Russia" Shcherbatov sharply criticized the activities of Catherine II, accused her of immorality. The incriminating power of the depiction of the palace order shown in this work was such that it was used by Herzen in the struggle against the autocracy. He first published it in 1858.

The era of Nicholas I, personified by the unremitting control of society by the authorities, nevertheless went down in history as a time of spiritual and moral quest. Topical issues of Russian public life (attitude to the monarchy, the estate organization of society, serfdom, the peculiarities of the historical development of Russia) caused discussions in the capital's salons, circles, on the pages of literary magazines.

Mugs of the late 1820s- early 1830s The uprising of the Decembrists pushed part of the student body to create circles and secret societies. In the late 1820s-mid 1830s. it was the circles, which were based on Moscow University students, that became the focus of anti-government sentiment.

In 1827-1828, a secret circle of brothers Peter, Mikhail and Basil of Crete operated at Moscow University. Its participants (about 13 people, mostly raznochintsy) shared the program of the Decembrists: the introduction of constitutional rule, the abolition of serfdom, and the easing of the conditions of military service for the lower ranks. The leaders of the circle intended to develop revolutionary agitation among the masses. The circle was destroyed by the police.

The circle of the retired official N.P. Sungurov (1805 - the year of death is not established), which operated in 1830-1831, united 26 people. These were officials, officers and students of Moscow University who shared the idea of ​​a revolutionary coup. The circle's programmatic positions were similar to the views of the Cretan brothers. On the denunciation of one of the students, the Sungurites were arrested. Some were sentenced to hard labor in Siberia, while others were "handed over" to the soldiers. The revolutionary circles included the "Literary Society of the 11th number" (founded in 1830), which received this name from the 11th number of the room in the dormitory of Moscow University, which was occupied by V.G. Belinsky (1811 - 1848). The members of the circle discussed topical issues of social and political life. The circle existed until the beginning of 1831.

In the fall of 1831, around the students of Moscow University A.I. Herzen (1812-1870) and N.P. Ogarev (1813-1877), a noble circle was formed. At its meetings, political problems, the works of the Decembrists, the works of Western European philosophers and utopian socialists were discussed. In 1834 A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev were arrested and, after imprisonment, sent to serve in remote provinces.

At the beginning of 1832, a student at Moscow University N.V. Stankevich (1813-1840) founded a literary and philosophical circle. It included V.G. Belinsky, M.A. Bakunin, K.S. Aksakov, M.N. Katkov, who would later lead socio-political currents of different ideological orientation. The circle was not a secret organization; its members were united by an interest in the study of Western European philosophy, the theory of utopian socialism. In 1837 the circle broke up.

The theory of "official nationality". Conservative direction of social thought. Nikolay I was convinced that countering the spread of "seditious" ideas in Russia would strengthen the autocracy. In December 1832, SS Uvarov (1786-1855), presented to Nicholas I a report on the results of the revision of Moscow University and the gymnasium, in which the idea of ​​"truly Russian protective principles" was first formulated. Triad S.S. Uvarova - "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality", where "nationality" was understood as "the unity of the tsar with the people" - proclaimed the national identity of Russia, emphasized its difference from Western European states, declared autocracy to be the only possible form of state structure corresponding to the character of the Russian people.

The theory of the official nationality is a conceptual expression of Russian conservative political thought. A significant contribution to its development belongs to the historian M.P. Pogodin, as well as the literary historian, critic S.P. Shevyrev (1806-1864). One of the ideologists of conservatism was N.M. Karamzin (1766-1826). In a note "On ancient and new Russia in its political and civil relations" (1811), he substantiated the need to strengthen the autocracy - the main source of existence and prosperity of the Russian state. The greatest Russian poet V. A. Zhukovsky (1773-1852), the author of the words of the national anthem "God Save the Tsar", belonged to the conservative camp.

P.Ya. Chaadaev about the historical destinies of Russia. The result of P.Ya. Chaadaev (1794-1856) on the fate of Europe and Russia became a treatise that included eight "Philosophical Letters", prepared by him in 1829-1831. Russia, which adopted Christianity from Orthodox Byzantium, argued P.Ya. Chaadaev found herself on the periphery of world development. “Her past is useless, her present is in vain, and she has no future,” he wrote. However, P.Ya. Chaadaev noted that Russia should not recklessly follow Western models, since it has its own, special path, but ignoring the experience of the West could negatively affect the development of Russia. Nicholas I received the Philosophical Letter with irritation. “After reading the article, I find that its content,” he noted, “is a mixture of insolent nonsense, worthy of the insane.” The presentation in print of the views of P.Ya. Chaadaeva accelerated the formation process at the turn of the 30s-40s. XIX century. two ideological currents - Slavophiles and Westernizers.

Liberal direction of social thought. The leaders and theorists of the Slavophiles were the philosopher and publicist

A.S. Khomyakov (1804-1860), religious philosopher, literary critic and publicist I.V. Kireevsky (1806-1856), publicist and public figure I.S. Aksakov (1823-1886), publicist, historian, linguist K.S. Aksakov (1817-1860). The Slavophils defended the originality of the historical development of Russia, which, in their opinion, consisted in the existence of the community and the enormous moral role of the Orthodox Church. All aspects of social life were viewed by the Slavophils through the prism of family relations, as relations between fathers and children: the tsar and the industrialist - the father; people and workers - children, etc. The political ideals of the Slavophils were based on the recognition of the rural community as a unique unit of society and the people's patriarchal monarchy as the only possible form of state structure in Russia. Slavophiles condemned the omnipotence of officials, defending the need to revive the Zemsky Sobor, believing that the tsar should consult with representatives of various classes. This position was reflected in the formula "The power of power is for the king, the power of opinion is for the people." Slavophiles idealized pre-Petrine Russia, negatively assessed the reforms of Peter I, claiming that his transformations disrupted the original course of development of Russian society.

The ideological leaders of the Westernizers were T.N. Granovsky (1813-1855), professor of Russian history at Moscow University S.M. Soloviev (1820-1879), historian, jurist and publicist K.D. Kavelin (1818-1885). The largest writers I.S. Turgenev, I.A. Goncharov. Westerners defended the need for Russia to develop along the Western European path, criticized their opponents for ignoring individual freedoms and rights, the ideas of enlightenment in their European interpretation, for upholding the theory of the originality of Russia's historical development. They disagreed with the Slavophiles in their assessments of the era of Muscovy and the reforms of Peter I. Westerners idealized the personality of Peter I and his reforms, but had a negative attitude towards serfdom, advocating reforms in all areas of social life. In the sphere of government, they gave preference to a constitutional monarchy, viewing parliamentary England and France as a model for Russia.

According to N. A. Berdyaev, the essence of the controversy between Westerners and Slavophiles was “should Russia be the West or the East, should we follow the path of Peter or return to pre-Petrine Rus”.

The revolutionary-democratic direction of social thought. The ideas and literary activity of V.G.Belinsky had a significant influence on the formation and development of revolutionary democratic ideology in Russia. As a literary critic, he collaborated with the largest social and literary magazines Otechestvennye zapiski and Sovremennik. The most complete socio-political views of V.G.Belinsky were set forth in a letter to N.V. Gogol (July 1847), which became widespread in Russia. In a letter containing a sharp criticism of the autocracy and serfdom, the tasks of the social movement were formulated: "the abolition of serfdom, the abolition of corporal punishment, the introduction, if possible, of strict implementation of at least those laws that already exist." To implement this program, as V.G. Belinsky, the government itself should have.

In the 1830-1840s, the ideas of European utopian socialism, set forth in the works of A. Saint-Simon, C. Fourier and D. Owen, spread in Russia. A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev. The program of "Russian socialism" developed by A.I. Herzen in the mid-1850s, included the following provisions: "to preserve the community and liberate the individual, to extend rural and urban self-government to cities, the state as a whole, while maintaining national unity, to develop private rights and preserve the indivisibility of the land."

Supporters of democratic and socialist ideas were members of the circle of the official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky (1821 -1866), formed in 1845 in St. Petersburg. On Fridays, M.V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky gathered students, teachers, officials, writers, journalists, including F.M. Dostoevsky, M.E. Saltykov, M.I. Glinka. Petrashevtsy were supporters of the republican form of government. However, they did not rule out the establishment of a constitutional monarchy. The Petrashevites advocated the abolition of serfdom, democratic freedoms, equality of all before the law and court, a federal structure of the state, in which representatives of all peoples would receive broad autonomy. Most of the members of the circle believed that the implementation of these provisions could be achieved peacefully.

In April 1849 the circle was destroyed by the police. 123 people were involved in the investigation, some of those arrested were kept in the casemates of the Peter and Paul Fortress. The leaders of the circle (21 people, including FM Dostoevsky) were sentenced to death. Nicholas I did not approve the sentence, but the death penalty was staged on Semenovskaya Square in St. Petersburg.

Literary magazines of the Nikolaev era. The center of intellectual and cultural life in the 1830s-1840s. became literary magazines. Representatives of the main social movements were grouped around them. Topical issues of history, economics, literature and philosophy were discussed on the pages of the magazines.

The publisher of the first encyclopedic magazine in Russia - "Moscow Telegraph" (1825-1834) - was the historian and writer N.А. Field. The magazine introduced readers to various aspects of jurisprudence, history, ethnography, and musical art. The editorial policy of the magazine was characterized by a critical orientation towards serfdom and the privileges of the nobility. In 1834, the "Moscow Telegraph" was closed.

A notable phenomenon of the social and literary life of Russia in the first half of the 1830s. became the magazine "Telescope" (1831 - 1836), published by a professor at Moscow University NI Nadezhdin. The magazine promoted the views of German idealist philosophers. After the publication in 1836 of the first "Philosophical Letter" P.Ya. Chaadaev, the magazine was closed, and the editor, N.I. Nadezhdin - exiled to Ust-Sysolsk.

In the literary and social life of the 1840s. a special role was played by the magazines Sovremennik (1836-1866), founded by A. Pushkin, and Otechestvennye zapiski (1839-1884), which carried out democratic principles in public life. The publications of the magazines were permeated with the ideas of materialism and utopian socialism. Works by outstanding representatives of Russian literature were published on the pages of Sovremennik and Otechestvennye zapiski.

The ideological and literary opponents of Sovremennik and Otechestvennye Zapiski were the political and literary newspaper Severnaya Beelea (1825-1864) and the Moskvityanin magazine (1841-1856). The Northern Bee, published by F.V. Bulgarin (from 1831 together with N.I. Grech) followed the government's policy and defended the theory of "official nationality". Feuilletons by F.V. Bulgarin, who was the first Russian journalist to write in this literary genre. The Moskvityanin magazine published in Moscow by M.P. Pogodin and S.P. Shevyrev, advocated an original path for the development of Russia. "Moskvityanin" was the first of the "thick magazines" to open a special department for the publication of historical sources and materials.

A.I. Herzen is considered the founder of the uncensored Russian press. In 1853 in London, he founded the Free Russian Printing House, where he published the almanac Polar Star (1855-1868), Historical Collections and Voices from Russia. In 1857, the first issue of the revolutionary newspaper "Kolokol" was published in London, the idea of ​​publishing which belonged to A. I. Herzen's friend N.P. Ogarev. "The Bell" by A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev became an expression of the growing protest sentiments in Russian society.

Russia during the reign of Nicholas I (1825-1855) is often called the "facade empire": the external splendor hid the acute and painful problems facing the country. Their awareness, the search for roots, the development of solutions was subordinated to the ideological, spiritual life of Russian society in these years. There is nothing surprising in the fact that the range of solutions proposed at that time turned out to be extremely wide. There was a formalization of the directions of social thought, which will retain their influence throughout the 19th century: official (conservative-monarchist), liberal (represented by the views of Westernizers and Slavophiles) and revolutionary (socialist).

The conservative-monarchist trend found expression in the famous formula of the Minister of Public Education S. S. Uvarov: "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality." Russia, according to this theory, is an original country, the foundations of existence of which are autocracy, the only form of government supported by the Russian people; Orthodoxy, the original embodiment of its spirituality and a reliable support of the monarch's autocracy; nationality, inextricably linking the autocrat and society. The interests of the country and the people are concentrated in the monarchy, which is why it is necessary not to abandon the autocratic principle of government, but to strengthen it in every possible way, not to transform it, but to preserve the existing order, not to look back at Europe, but to fight against "sedition." Independent public thought developed in opposition to the official theory, under severe pressure from the authorities, which by all means introduced the "Uvarov triad" into the public consciousness. The tragic fate of P. Ya. Chaadaev, in his First Philosophical Letter (Teleskop magazine, 1836), expressed the bitter, offensive, and rejected thoughts about the loneliness of Russia by many major writers (A.S. Pushkin among them) the world that taught him nothing ”is indicative in this sense.

The form of existence of liberal and revolutionary ideas in the 30s and 40s. there were a few circles. It was in them that the ideology of the main currents of Russian liberalism of those years was determined - Westernism and Slavophilism. Both Westerners and Slavophiles denied revolutionary ways of reorganizing the country, placing their main hopes on the strength of public opinion and the readiness of the authorities to transform. At the center of the disputes between them was the question of the historical path of Russia, of its past and future.

Westerners (T.N. Granovsky, KD Kavelin, B.N. Chicherin, and others) argued that Russia is developing in the same direction and according to the same laws as European countries. It only lags behind them, and the task is to overcome this lag: abolish serfdom, introduce constitutional forms of government (Russia must become either a constitutional monarchy or a republic), carry out judicial and military reforms. The ideal for Westerners is Peter I, who decisively pushed the country onto the European path, trying to overcome its centuries-old lag.

The Slavophiles (A. S. Khomyakov, Yu. F. Samarin, S. T. and K. S. Aksakov, I. V. and P. V. Kireevsky), on the contrary, were very critical of the personality and activities of Peter I. He violated the original identity of Russia. Unlike Europe, pre-Petrine Russia, in their opinion, did not know social discord and class struggle. The community ensured harmony and harmony in a society, the norm of life of which was the superiority of the interests of the whole (collective, state) over the private interests of an individual. Orthodoxy was the spiritual basis of social harmony. As for the state, it served the interests of society, without violating its independence in resolving issues important to it. Peter I, forcibly breaking the established order, turned autocracy into despotism, established serfdom with all its savagery, subjugated society to an all-powerful and greedy bureaucracy. The Slavophiles considered it necessary to abolish serfdom, restore the lost connection between the people and the autocratic power, revive Zemsky Sobors, support the peasant community, free it from the tutelage of landowners and officials. The revolutionary direction of social thought in the 20-30s. developed under the influence of the ideas of the Decembrists (circles of the Kritsky brothers, N.P. Sungurov, and others). In the 40s. the character of revolutionary thought has changed. Socialist doctrines became more and more popular. The teachings of the European utopian socialists A. Saint-Simon, R. Owen, and C. Fourier penetrated into Russia. Fourier's ideas were especially popular (the circle of M.V. Petrashevsky, defeated by the government in 1849; among its members were F.M.Dostoevsky, M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, and others). A.I. Herzen, who was also carried away by the theories of the Westernizers, was also deeply influenced by these teachings. Combining the idea that Russia should follow the European path, with a critical attitude to the capitalist order, Herzen came to the conclusion that it was Russia that had to pave the way to a just social order - to socialism. In the early 1950s, while in exile, he developed the theory of "Russian" or "communal" socialism. Herzen believed that Russia has an advantage over European countries - a peasant community that will easily and organically accept the ideas of socialism. In the community with its joint land use, traditions of self-government and mutual assistance, he saw a "cell of socialism." The abolition of serfdom, the allotment of land to the peasants, Herzen believed, would lead Russia to socialism.