September 2000

Purga.Ru. Gleb Pavlovsky dreams of the laurels of media magnate Vladimir Gusinsky

Svetlana Zaitseva

Curriculum vitae

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky was born on March 5, 1951 in Odessa, in the family of an engineer. In 1968-73 he studied at the Faculty of History of Odessa University.

In 1975 he moved to Moscow.

In 1978-80, he became one of the co-editors of the Free Moscow magazine Poiski. At the same time, he came to the attention of the KGB.

Sentenced to prison for anti-Soviet activities, but pleads guilty. The authorities change the sentence - instead of prison, Pavlovsky goes into exile in the Komi ASSR, works there as a stoker and painter.

In 1985 he returned to Moscow. The dissident society does not accept him.

In 1987, he became one of the five co-founders of the first legal political structure - the "Club of Social Initiatives" (CSI). Published in the journal "XX century and the world". Together with Vladimir Yakovlev (the former owner of Kommersant), he establishes the Fact cooperative.

In the early 1990s, he received significant material support from the US Democracy Foundation, funded by the US Republican Party. From that moment on, a qualitative turning point began in the activities of Gleb Pavlovsky.

A short list of information projects to which Mr. Pavlovsky either had, or is still involved in:

Effective Policy Fund (FEP)
Information agency "Postfactum"
Social Information Agency
"Russian Institute" (conceived as an analogue of the Russian Institute at Columbia University in the USA)
"Russian Journal"
Magazine "Century XX and the world"
Magazine "Sreda"
Magazine "Pushkin"
Journal "Intellectual Forum"
Official website of the Public Opinion Foundation
VVP.ru: network expert channel. Exit polls - 2000
SMI.ru
Network information channel "Elections in Russia"
Interactive project "Mayor of Moscow: do it yourself".
Ovg.Ru (unified power group)
Country.ru
Polit.ru [The Polit.ru website does not and never had any relation to Mr. Pavlovsky - approx. Elena Shopenska, public relations Polit.Ru]

Etc. etc.

Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky is called whatever you like: a political strategist, analyst, provocateur, philosopher, hoaxer, manipulator, PR genius... The range of assessments is quite wide.

He is suspected of inflating the most high-profile political scandals: the publication of version No. 1 (about a possible coup in Russia), the creation of the site "Claw", the gradual "squeezing" of Berezovsky from various power structures, the company to compromise Luzhkov's wife, the failed idea of ​​the multi-million dollar "promotion" of Valentina Matvienko during the election campaign in St. Petersburg... The list can be long.

Mr. Pavlovsky doesn't mind being credited with getting Putin elected president and removing Yeltsin from the Kremlin early.

Gleb Olegovich is in fashion with journalists. He is now constantly present on television, often giving interviews to the print media. But, despite the massive self-promotion, he cannot create an impression of himself as an intelligent and honest person.

One thing is indisputable: formally being an adviser to the head of the Presidential Administration, Gleb Pavlovsky gives advice to Putin himself. And Putin listens to them. Now the Kremlin is joking about this: tell me who your adviser is, and I will tell you who they will turn you into.

A brief summary of Pavlovsky's life path is filled with all the numerous Internet sites to which Gleb Olegovich is related. Therefore, anyone who is interested can read about the revolutionary youth of the now popular Odessa citizen, his dissident maturity, and also get acquainted with the adolescent philosophical works of the Kremlin adviser.

On other sites not controlled by Pavlovsky (for example, on www.site), the reader will find documents compromising Gleb Olegovich in abundance.

Therefore, "!", in order to avoid bias in assessing the personality of Mr. Pavlovsky, decided to abandon the traditional portrait of the hero. Most of the material published below is exclusive memoirs of people close to Pavlovsky, quotes from secret analytical reports of special services and little-known articles by Gleb Olegovich himself.

No need to wait for favors from nature

From the memoirs of Olga Ilnitskaya, poetess, journalist, member of the Memorial Society and the first wife of Gleb Pavlovsky:

"SID is a scientific and romantic organization of second-third-year students of the Faculty of History of Odessa State University, graduating in 1972-1973. Members of the organization called themselves subjects of historical activity, in short - SID.

At first there were four of them: Slavik, Gleb (Gleb Pavlovsky - "!".), Kostya and Igor. Then four more came, including me. It turned out that, having accepted Utopia, it needs to be comprehended and developed, and for this you need to live in a commune, leaving your parental home, combining the efforts of everyone into one common one, you need to answer the question: "Do we have socialism, and if not, then what eat?"

From a samizdat book about the SID by Vyacheslav Kilesa, a former Crimean police officer (aka Slavik):
"... Spring was blooming in Odessa, and now we were gathering by the sea. The purpose of our activity was vague, vague not only for me, but also for others. We were citizens of a great country and continued to realize ourselves as such even when we encountered in practice with the infamies of Soviet reality. After all, we had socialism, a planned economy, the absence of unemployment, and there, in the West, police persecution, exploitation, hunger, poverty raged. Everything was bad there, while we came across individual shortcomings and distortions.

But there was no one to ask questions or it was impossible, because the answer could be a denunciation to the KGB, a scolding in the dean's office, an expulsion from the university - and we sat in libraries and reading rooms, trying to get to the bottom of the truth on our own ...

We learned then that there was an underground political movement in the country, but we did not want to contact them, considering ourselves as a special line in the cultural development of Russia.

But still, an introductory meeting with one of the real underground workers took place. He was Vyacheslav Igrunov (at that time everyone called him Vyachek), now he is a State Duma deputy, the second person in Yavlinsky's party.

"Vyachek convinced the guys of the need for a long struggle for the democratization of the country, and they talked about their studies - the study of dialectics, the origins of Marxism. And friendship took place." (Pavlovsky's friendship with Vyachek ended for the latter with his arrest. But more on that later.)

A quarter of a century later, Gleb Olegovich will describe this period from the standpoint of dialectical materialism: "... We discussed the probability and risk of liquidating the USSR by a small number of people. I considered myself something of a Zen Marxist."

Nothing human turned out to be alien to the young Odessa revolutionaries who lived in a commune. Olga and Gleb fell in love and, despite the protests - the threats of Olga's mother (mother, by the way, worked as a prosecutor) got married.

At the wedding, the mother promised her daughter that she would certainly put her son-in-law behind bars.

From the memoirs of Ilnitskaya:

“My family life went on. Private apartments changed. On Romashkova Street in 1975, my mother, convinced by my despair and love, which often turn out to be nearby, rented a house for Gleb and me. A large room with three windows, a kitchen and a bath without water cost fifty rubles per month...

In December 1975, a real natural disaster hit Odessa. An anticyclone broke out. The branches of the trees suddenly froze after the thaw. At first it was beautiful unusually, and then the city began to cry. Tears froze in the wind, and hail upholstered the branches of trees in heavy ice coats. The old acacias were the first to collapse. A large branch fell on the blue Zaporozhets and flattened it. Trolleybuses and trams stopped running. Lights went out in Odessa. The water pumps stopped. A bucket of water cost a ruble. A loaf of bread too. Lines for milk lined up from four in the morning. C, it was too late to get up for milk.

On the fifth day, when the temperature in the room dropped to nine degrees, and we didn’t have kerosene gas, we didn’t have a gas stove either, we couldn’t turn on the electric stove, when I had already cut my eyebrow with a flying chip - I was chopping boards from boxes to melt the steam heating iron, forgetting that there has been no water for a long time either, - Gleb froze in front of the window painted with cold lilies and thoughtfully ate NZ - a can of sprats and a can of condensed milk.

It would be better if you had a binge, it would be clearer and more respectful, - I broke loose.

Gleb answered simply and clearly:

The only thing I can do for you, my love, is to leave...

Moreover, Vyachek had already been arrested, and the samizdat he had brought, Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago, lay in every corner of our room. And Gleb was summoned to the KGB, and he testified against his friend Vyachek, and then he refused them.

Raging nature has done its job. Gleb Olegovich realized that the search for truth is very difficult, if at the same time you still need to think about food and family. And he left for Moscow, carefully packing a reproduction of the portrait of his idol, Che Guevara, in a suitcase.

Soon other "SIDovtsy" - Slavik and Kostya - also moved to Moscow.

From a letter from Gleb Pavlovsky to Olga Ilnitskaya:

"... I love you. And you understand me. We will go to the sea and write poetry. And then we will have a house and a dog ... My dear, kind, try to have a child ... I believe that, thanks to you and nature, a miracle will happen ... ".

Olga re-read these lines through tears, looked sadly at her little son Seryozha, at the dog Alma, who was patiently waiting to be poured into a saucepan of canteen waste bought for fifty dollars, and realized that she did not want to live anymore. More precisely, it cannot.
From the memoirs of Olga Ilnitskaya:

"In mid-September 1976, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt and forced treatment, I left the psychoneurological dispensary. And Kostya, who arrived by telegram from my ex-husband Gleb, took me in marriage.

Kostya was from SID. This damned world didn't teach him love. SID also taught the ability to lend a shoulder and, if necessary, sacrifice one's own.

We must survive, Kostya told me, everything will work out, we must survive, here is my hand.

To Moscow, to Moscow!

Gleb Olegovich never liked Odessa, and above all because there was no scope for his activities in this chestnut province by the sea. A quarter of a century later, Pavlovsky will justify his flight to the capital as follows: "For the sake of changing the biographical identity of an Odessa citizen, I moved to Moscow."

In Moscow, Gleb Pavlovsky met Mikhail Gefter, a historian by profession. Despite the half-century difference in age, despite the biographical incompatibility (Gefter began his career as an assistant secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League. After the bath, in the midst of political repression, he studied at the graduate school of the Institute of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences. With Brezhnev coming to power, he began to study the liberation movements of Russia, etc. .), Pavlovsky and Gefter, as Kurt Vonnegut wrote, were people from the same Koras.

They not only thought and expressed themselves in the same way, but also experienced a painful affection for each other. Mikhail Yakovlevich, believing that such strong feelings needed formalization, even wanted to adopt his best student Gleb, and at the same time adopt his first wife, Olga. By the way, after an unsuccessful suicide attempt and a forced remarriage, Gleb Olegovich did not stop loving and constantly visited him in Moscow.

"... An echo of the fall of Pax Romana and the martyr generations of mankind: then still a plan uttered in crazy words. Epoch after epoch tested the catacomb project for feasibility and humanity, finding out that there is neither a given compatibility of the one and the other, nor a predetermined discord between them. And there is a path and a period that form a special "body" - history. When we ask ourselves: "Does the present world not leave the idea of ​​humanity as the only unity, leaving a void into which the element of the ethnos burst, the fury of "one's own", the irreconcilability of the newly appeared sects?" - we thereby ask: "Has not the History ended without completion?" - Mikhail Gefter pondered. (The author's spelling is preserved - "!").

"Who are we? Those who have been honored to lead the world process. And what is the world process? An educational catastrophe. One of the components of the myth about Russia is pedagogical catastrophism: it turns out that pogroms and earthquakes strike people in order to enlighten others with the spectacle of execution. Russians in in this picture they are the subjects of a world catastrophe, and for the rest of the pitch-black world they are its bearers. Since the world is mired in sin, then we are here to give the sinners a beating, "his beloved student echoed him, developing and concretizing the given topic.

Some contemporaries of Gefter and Pavlovsky, however, dared to call such statements "meaningless rhetoric", "a tricky streak of intellectual alienation", they were compared with the Pythia. (Pythia is a priestess-soothsayer. She sat over a crevice of a rock, from where intoxicating fumes rose. Under their influence, Pythia uttered incoherent words that were interpreted by people as divinations and prophecies. - "!")

But the KGB thought otherwise. For Pavlovsky. who was then working as co-editor of the magazine "Search", conducted surveillance. Then searches, interrogations, interviews with foreign journalists began. During one of the trials, Gleb Olegovich's nerves could not stand it, and he decided to run away from the courtroom. Jumped out the window, broke his leg, woke up in a cast.

"The picturesque obscurity of dissidence turned into bad taste - chases, hide and seek, women, all this Dumas, for which people pay each other, blaming "authority" for everything. No new ideas; it's a shame to leave the country; there is nowhere to go further. own biography. I decided to escape from the biography. The attempt failed, "- almost sincerely described Pavlovsky that period.

Almost because the beautiful metaphor "to escape from the biography" actually meant a banal apostasy.

In 1981, Gleb Olegovich, unexpectedly for all dissident comrades, came up with the idea of ​​a conciliatory pact "society-power", calling for the abandonment of confrontation.

"The confrontation creates a non-catastrophic alternative for the USSR, which is entering a period of decline in an atmosphere of national split," the fugitive from the biography motivated his position.

“He knew that he would be arrested and that prison could not be avoided. But Gleb physically could not stand the cell. He came up with a seemingly reasonable move - to become a representative of the constructive opposition. That is, to become a loyal mediator in negotiations with the authorities. Gleb's act exhausted his authority in the dissident community, and therefore rejected his services, "said"!" one of Pavlovsky's former colleagues in the Poiski magazine.

However, the pact was nevertheless concluded, albeit in a more modest format, without the participation of society. Pavlovsky, at the request of the authorities, pleaded guilty and received an exile in the Komi ASSR instead of prison. There he worked peacefully as a stoker.

Gleb Olegovich himself, describing those times, puts the accents differently.

"I lived in a state of some sovereign fury, wrote treatises to the Politburo and the KGB with instructions on how to save the USSR, stubbornly calling it Russia. The local alcoholic detective read them and filed them to my file. This is how we corresponded with history."

History, unfortunately, did not preserve this correspondence. More mundane people lived in the Kremlin then. They did not even in their thoughts admit that their solid Soviet offices would very soon be occupied by newcomers fostered by an unclaimed stoker.

By the beginning of perestroika, Gleb Pavlovsky realized that he was tired of combining the "search for truth" with the way of life accompanying this search. It is unbearable for a herd to be unrecognized, poor, homeless, with the fifth paragraph in the passport instead of a residence permit in the capital and a roof over their heads, persecuted by the authorities (for dissent) and dissidents (for cooperation with the authorities). And he went into the information business.

Gleb Pavlovsky spawned a myriad of LLP, LLC, operating with various information. From magazines, news agencies and foundations to a myriad of sites on the Internet (see curriculum vitae). These "thought factories" not only enriched their owner, but also made him significant, well-known, well-received in government offices, and, most importantly, in demand.

That period in the life of Pavlovsky and some of his colleagues (Lesin, Zapolya) was described with mocking humor by Viktor Pelevin in the fashionable book Generation - P. The prototype was Mikhail Lesin's company "Video-international", and one of the key characters - the meaningful, mysterious, Mr. Farseykin, who talks about the incomprehensible - is written off from Gleb Olegovich.

One of the journalists, talking with Pavlovsky about modern literature, started talking about Pelevin's books. Gleb Olegovich grimaced: "I had the feeling that it was not a kosher step to buy Pelevin, so I just stole it from someone else's table."

In order to avoid the illusion that the recognition caught up with Mr. Pavlovsky as undeservedly as the exile in the Komi ASSR, it should be noted that it was during the period of great changes in Russia that his real gift from above was revealed. It turned out that the former SID member perfectly felt the emerging new information space and knew how to manipulate it. And the demand for quality manipulations was huge.

Gleb Olegovich knew how to impregnate this space with explosive gasoline vapors, and then, at the right moment, strike a spark. He knew when, instead of arson, it was appropriate to open the window and arrange a spectacular political draft. He could even spin a real blizzard, doing without snow and cold. And drove, and drove this blizzard in a given direction.

To perform such tricks, he needed only special human material.

From the analytical report of the FSB (August, 2000):

"The main forces of the Kremlin's think tank are Pavlovsky, Kordonsky (Simon Kordonsky, under the patronage of Pavlovsky, was appointed head of the analytical department of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. - "!"), Meyer (Maxim Meyer, under the patronage of Pavlovsky, took the post of head of the information department of the main department of internal policy of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. - "!") and other odious people from the structures that Pavlovsky previously led.

According to the reviews of close ties, G. Pavlovsky dreams of the laurels of the media magnate V. Gusinsky.

The "blue" dream of becoming a mass media tycoon has not let him go until now, as a result of which Pavlovsky himself evaluates his current position as a temporary compromise.

Political scientists who work with him evaluate him as a specialist in crisis and critical situations, a master in overcoming emergency, extreme socio-political barriers.

Everyday work of a tactical nature, what is called "turnover" or "rough work", is not for him, he is not capable of doing it due to his adventurous temperament, a fan of "cavalry" attacks.

Pavlovsky is the personal protege of T. Dyachenko, with whom he is still in close relations.

However, with the notorious and obligatory member of the Tatyana V. Yumashev team, he keeps his distance.

PRovskoye (the spelling of the document is preserved. - "!".) The skill of Pavlovsky's team turned out to be so timely and relevant to the current moment that V. Putin is still sure (hence respect and reverence): "that his election is primarily the personal merit of Gleb and the leader them of the Center, which is actually a typical bureaucratic apparatus of several hundred people, fed at the expense of the Kremlin and its incompetence.

The hoaxer Pavlovsky deliberately cultivates this inadequate assessment by the President of the merits of the Center, thus supporting the myth of his indispensability.

People who know Pavlovsky believe that it is very likely that he belongs to the "blue faction" of the Kremlin, which, to a certain extent, is a ticket to a number of its structures.

The second "Kremlin gyrus" is Kordonsky Simon Gdalevich, a rather pale personality, remembered in the circles of the Russian public only by the fact that he was a defendant in a criminal case in connection with the sensational publication in Rossiyskaya Gazeta "Snow is falling ...".

So says Pavlovsky

About Russia:

"Russia is the final stock of historical missions... We are dealing with a unique country that does not discuss any of its problems... Theoretically, Russia can stop in order to recover in 10, 20, 100 years. When the rabble passes retraining..." .

About the citizen of the Russian Federation:

"This creature, which we call the 'Belovezhsky man' (there are still concepts of 'Russian-speaking citizen' or 'ethnic Russian' in the press), is moving in two directions - the splitting of the old order, i.e. everything within which the subject does not remember himself, the conditions of all elements of this order, as his own, just invented - and the construction of a "new reality" with their help - unconscious as a source of tasks, closed and forbidden for all forms of alternative understanding. This new reality, commonly referred to as "Russia", ultimately unfolds as a cocoon of the Bialowieza man - a temporary space of a deeper metamorphosis.

On the attitude of Russians to history:

"There is a problem with Russian attitudes towards history. I don't want to go back to Chaadaev's rehashes, but strictly speaking, Chaadaev is medically right. The problem is that today in Russia historical consciousness has been supplanted by an artifact of quasi-knowledge about what happened."

About Russian:

"The mythological hero, which everyone turns out to be in the process of learning the Russian language, would like to accomplish a feat under the guise of interpreting to seduce, knocking Russia with her mission."

On the relationship between the Internet and government:

"What is happening today between the Internet and the authorities is more like a mutual sniffing."

About the "family" (Dyachenko, Yumashev, Abramovich, Mamut, Stolpovsky, etc.):

“They say to a man from the street: drink, don’t think, wait for the whistle. Everyone who is honest is behind me, against the authorities! that under the Family and the hydra of tsarism, life was not so bad ... "

About Berezovsky and Gusinsky:

"... On the other hand, whenever it blew singed, Gusinsky and Berezovsky, running away from the warrants issued for them, heroically saved the girl - Russian democracy. They carried, so to speak, the poor thing out of the fire and into the frying pan - deaf, blind and crap one's pants with fright " .

About myself and Putin:

"I hope that I belong to those people who can give advice to Putin."

"Belovezhskaya children" Pavlovsky

Pavlovsky has five children. The eldest - Sergey - is 26 years old, he works as a designer on one of his father's sites. None of the offspring of Gleb Olegovich wants to live in a commune, does not dream of a revolution (her father has been delirious from her youth), does not arrange escapes from her own biography. In a word, they turned out to be normal "Belovezhsky children", carried away by the Internet, virtual design and modern literature. Maybe because Gleb Olegovich does not live with them. As he says, "for reasons of emergency employment at work."

The only close person considers Olga Ilnitskaya. He rents her an apartment in Moscow, leads her to the best doctors. Olga still idolizes him and claims that no one understands Gleb.

"Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky convinces Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin not to shoot the parliament", "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky spoon-feeds little Vladimir Putin", "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky helps Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev start a personal blog", "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky sends a package to Krasnokamensk", "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky tells Vladislav Yurievich Surkov about sovereign democracy", "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky incognito watches the march of dissenters", "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky refuses a fresh portion of the children brought to the FEP"... But of all the numerous and not yet fully mastered iconography of the FEP, " Russian Journal" and Gleb Pavlovsky personally, there are several topics that everyone likes to write about. The theme "Gleb Pavlovsky saves the Russian intelligentsia" is like this. Therefore, we will not write about it. Let's refine it a bit: "Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky and Philosophy".

So, what is known in narrow circles, the relationship between Gleb Olegovich Pavlovsky and philosophy is determined by two factors - the fact that he, as a student of the prominent Soviet historian Mikhail Yakovlevich Gefter, is a typical bearer of the consciousness of a Russian historian, with all the grave consequences for worldview and even biography; and also by the fact that he also inherited from his teacher dissatisfaction with the framework of history as a discipline, with dreams of a historiosophical perspective, and the nurturing of thoughts that history as a science cannot control and is not able to bear responsibility for. This intellectual schism would later lead Gleb Pavlovsky to friendship with such an archaic thinker and geopolitician as Vadim Leonidovich Tsymbursky.

From within the philosophical corpus there is no recognition of the works of the historian Gefter, that the professional philologist-antique Tsymbursky, that the political strategist Pavlovsky has never been and never will be. For the philosophical and academic mainstream, all this is the devil knows what it is, but not philosophy. However, even for them there is a place on the map of modern philosophy, but more on that below.


Pavlovsky system

Gleb Pavlovsky personally and FEP left their place in the institutional history of Russian philosophy in the 90s - 00s. Throughout the 90s, Gleb Pavlovsky came to the Faculty of Philosophy of Moscow State University and carried out buckets of students from there. FEP - and more broadly - political technologies, which existed thanks to the genius of Pavlovsky's sales, was one of the main places of employment for philosophers with a diploma. And even without a diploma: I remember how the corridor of the 11th floor of the first humanitarian building was unexpectedly empty at times - everyone went "to the fields", to the next elections, the lack of which was not felt in the 90s.

Few have not been tempted by this "humanitarian technology" lure. For example - me. But these were clearly in the minority. To go to the elections somewhere in Surgut or Sakhalin, to work as a monitor or foreman on a federal campaign, was considered almost an obligatory pleasure, like a summer trip to a university camp on the Black Sea. Evil tongues claim that the political technology appeal of the 90s corrupted the domestic intellectual, and did it with many at a too tender age. (We even have about this, as well as the consequences). "Pavlovsky's boys", young men and women stolen from the Faculty of Philosophy, accustomed to the political cynicism of Realpolitik as to common sense: an intellectual nightmare shows how they flood everything around, turn values ​​into nothing, and nothing into value. Young nihilists are world champions in blue eyes, ready to justify anything for money. However, money - in the inflation zone of the ruble - does it really matter? Power - even for a minute; glory - no matter what is bad; and success - even dubious - so their labor merits are usually described.

"Gleb Pavlovsky spoils our children" - was heard around. And nothing that the kids themselves were willing to be spoiled and lined up. "How did you, so big and wise, manage to produce such filth?" - well-known philologists, journalists, film critics and other cultural managers were amazed, addressing Gleb Pavlovsky, at some recent event. Even earlier, one marginal representative of the philosophical environment, as usual without a basic philosophical education, called the "children of Pavlovsky's nest" collaborators. Spoiled full profile education could only smirk.

In a certain sense, not professors Alexander Vladimirovich Panin and not Vladimir Vasilyevich Mironov were at that time the real deans of the Faculty of Philosophy of Moscow State University, but a man without higher education Gleb Pavlovsky. "Pavlovsky's system" took people from the faculty, completed their education, turned them into professionals and gave them jobs where they could get a piece of bread and butter. Political technology, and then ideological work, remained as the horizon of philosophical education, prevailing over a teaching or research career that only an already wealthy person could afford. (Then, thanks to my own business, I was like that. When I got a job teaching at one of the Moscow universities in the early 00s, I heard the following question from the vice-rector: "Are you financially independent enough to work with us?") Here, in PR, you could find an occupation for yourself, if not by vocation, then by taste, and if not by taste, then by money. Boris Vadimovich Mezhuev, who had just returned from an internship in the United States, described the then state of the "humanitarian intelligentsia" very nicely: "Everyone is in PR, but I am in shit."

However, in fairness, Pavlovsky was by no means the inventor of philosophical kidnapping. Twenty years before him, this hunt was opened by another father of modern domestic humanitarian technologies - Georgy Petrovich Shchedrovitsky. When asked why Shchedrovitsky preferred sophomores, he answered this way: "In the first year of philosophy, they are still fools. And in the third, everyone already drinks." Calculations of how many students of the faculty replenished the methodological movement are now being handled by special people. But the fact remains - even in my student years (90s) it was easy to find Schedrovites at the faculty. But if you listen to what was said in the party about the methods and goals of Shchedrovitsky in the 80-90s, then it will be difficult to find any significant differences from how the "Pavlovsky boys" are characterized today. After all, they even stole children from the same place - a university hostel.

Why exactly the Faculty of Philosophy, and not the Faculty of History, Philology, Sociology? Why exactly was he "robbed"? Why were students of the Faculty of Philosophy massively "spoiled" by political technologies, PR, and ideology? The usual answer to this question is that the Pavlovsky system replaced the ideological apparatus of the Central Committee, which was served by the Faculty of Philosophy. But is everything so simple here? Is there some flaw within the philosophy itself, due to which the intelligentsia's immunity to this infection does not work? How did this become possible and what did it all mean? This "philosophical corruption" will be discussed below.

Cross of Philosophy

There is nothing particularly difficult in it, and no one is going to crucify. This is a communicative cross taken from the works of Greimas and interpreted in terms of the current "criteria" of philosophical knowledge. If for Greimas the structure of the communicative act was determined in accordance with the profile on the coordinate plane in relation to the axes "who - to whom" and "what - about what", then here we have the right (we gave it to ourselves, why not? Why can Llotar take this schematic for the analysis of affect, but we can’t?) use its form to analyze the specifics of philosophical communication (1).

A minimal analysis of the exploited techniques for evaluating socio-humanitarian products for philosophicalness shows their shift on the scale "external - internal". All this rhetoric of the value of some kind of “internal experience”, ranting that if you haven’t already thought, then you’re not capable of thinking, the topic of “meeting” beloved among exalted ladies, is opposed to self-confident discourse that appeals to various social screens on which some "philosophical projects" and defining it as "socially useful work" leave traces.

Across the "external-internal" axis, an axis is laid down, in Badiouan style we will draw it up, "situation - event", defining the latter as unrecognized in the situation, but determining its constellation and allowing it to be broken. The situation in which philosophy always finds itself (any situation - thoughts, socio-political situation, situation of silence - whatever), is opposed by thought as its break, as something that is not achieved by the situation (“Do you need to just think, money? Can't you think without money?"), but is able to define a new situation, for example, after the revolution, the Copernican coup, the linguistic, anthropological, ethical turn, the coming to power of Yeltsin, democrats, neoliberals, Nazis, etc. On the one hand, we hear cries about the impossibility of philosophy after Auschwitz, Putin, communism, the end of communism - this, brother, is the situation. On the other hand, about the fact that philosophy, in general, does not care where it has ended up, if it is already philosophy. Moreover, any situation "after Auschwitz" is fraught with philosophy, an event of philosophy, so to speak.

If (uncritically) we take this coordinate grid as a working tool, then, in general, it is clear through which structures the fault passed, which determined the appearance of Soviet philosophy. Once and on another occasion we have already called it as the unity of philosophy-without-philosophers and philosophers-without-philosophy. When there is one lasting, including through your efforts, anonymous philosophy signed by Marx and Lenin, and, at the same time, extremely authorial, but never unfolding into something actually system-forming or at least having project perspectives, the philosophy of a private person, it seems, never reaching the philosophy of thought of the philosopher Mamardashvili. Soviet philosophy and the system of communication that we inherited was built on the censorship of two communicative domains: a zone defined on our grid as "situational-internal" philosophy and "external-event" philosophy. By filling in these "holes" the "normal" functioning of philosophical communication is reconstructed, where philosophy is given a new name and individuals are given philosophical recognition.

I. With the "situation / external" square, everything is more or less clear - this is the space of philosophical simulations, various academic animals live here. Directors, education managers, degrees, titles and positions. Philosophy here is taken for granted in the deflationary perspective of its name. You are a philosopher by diploma, status, education and place of work.

II. With the "internal/event" square, it is also more or less clear - the geniuses of philosophy and simply large figures settled here, for which it is never enough to single out the simple recognition of colleagues. The very situation when no praise and no vocation falls short of the personal dignity of a philosopher, the philosophy of singles, great minds, etc. You are a philosopher, because a philosopher, you are a Merab! You are great! Vadim Tsymbursky, for example, possesses such undoubted and, at the same time, dubious greatness.

III. The "external/event" square is filled with the already mentioned "philosophical projects" - products of intellectual investments created with the expectation of the future: all these publishing series, translations, clubs of philosophizing bloggers, regular seminars, circles of philosophers like "Announcement", the St. Petersburg philosophical cafe, the remains Shchedrovitan groups, magazines and all that sort of thing. Philosophy lives here like an endless reprieve in a chain of deposits and mortgages. Valery Anashvili is the undisputed leader who today determines the public image of the "event" of philosophy for the natives, the manager of its publication. The internal philosophy is reproduced here through its eventual status and is offered for identification to the enlightened public. The philosopher here is the intellectual investor, broker or trader. Here philosophy is bought and sold, receives grants, travels abroad and writes blogs. This is space articulated by writing. In contrast to the geniuses of philosophy, who could write nothing (or were determined by this) and the Marxist-Leninist machinery of erasing philosophy for its own triumph.

The structure described above also has other topological characteristics, since it is able to fold into a "tube". In the limit of "event-internal" philosophy, unrecognized geniuses live - a complete homologue of the figurant from the opposite square - the next director of the Institute of Philosophy, to whom at the anniversary banquet each subordinate is forced to explain, and also to himself and others, why his boss is so brilliant.

Philosophy found on the zone

I don’t remember who this joke was about, but, it seems, about Nikolai Lossky. There was such an intuitionist and teacher of the Oberiuts in Soviet Russia. Then he left on a philosophical steamer and settled in Paris. So, in the zone where Lossky ended up, his colleagues in the barracks - criminals - quickly cut through the deceitful bourgeois-religious essence of the frame that arrived on the bunk. And one particularly zealous godfather put a knife to the throat of the philosopher: they say, either give your philosophy here and now, or I will cut his throat. They say that this godfather later became a student of Lossky, a philosopher and a good person in general - this is how the words of Nikolai Onufrievich affected him. This is philosophy in action. The philosophy of one - last - chance, once. Unfolding always in a certain situation and not having the opportunity to pass through the public filter. Philosophy, in general, is impossible, unnecessary, and even, probably, no philosophy at all. Philosophy-without-name and without letter. The place of unappropriable thought and unrecorded contents.

I don’t know, maybe this story was not about Lossky at all, but about someone else. But this, in essence, it does not matter. The important thing is that this case (the case - quite Kharmsian - the place for this philosophy) occurred in a certain situation, even if it was invented. This is not an event, and certainly not an event of thought. The thought here, turned inside out, unrecognized and perhaps ridiculous, is a one-time use thought. At least because she will not have a second chance - her throat will be cut.

This is the area of ​​philosophy. A place of her exile, oblivion, a dumping ground for the waste of mental production. Such is the content of the fourth communicative square of philosophy, determined by internal contents in always already predetermined conditions. Philosophizing half-wits, revolutionaries who feel uncomfortable in everyday situations, and other wastes of "thought activity" settle here. The uninvested and rejected thought of all sorts of educated people, and one-time philosophers, who were very well described by the lover of philosophy Eduard Nadtochy: philosophers-gandons.

Here the second step is impossible for thought. She lives by a slogan, an anecdote, a joke, a repetition, more often meaningless. Philosophy here is immobilized, neutralized. She was broken. Spoiled.

Corrupted philosophy is a wasted thought that is not built into the economy of philosophical investments (therefore, the phenomenon of philosophical projects is impossible inside the work of the FEP, it can be somewhere nearby, involving as raw materials the waste of political production from the garbage can in the office of Gleb Pavlovsky and shaping them in an unsurpassed way , for example, in the best domestic review magazine "Pushkin"). The producers of these spoiled contents - Pavlovsky's philosophical "boys" - step onto this conveyor in turn, each time squeezing out of themselves a drop of poison, caused by looking at the current situation.

This (y) waste of philosophy is opposed to the respectability of "project philosophy", it is non-public, but in each specific situation it is effective. It does not cause admiration, but generates only hatred.

In overcoming the communicative collapse of Soviet philosophy, the practice of filling in the "external-event" square was mainly involved - respected people do respectable work: today the theft of the philosophical is realized under the applause of intelligent observers. Let's now do something else that will bring us profit tomorrow: we will translate something else, publish it, hold a conference, bring Zizek, Badia, Hardt and Negri, or, at worst, some Misiano or Decombe. If only not today, not now. Public philosophy postpones philosophy until better times. There is nothing more hostile to disposable philosophy than public philosophy. It imposes a ban on the inner.

Pavlovsky's system existed by expropriating the philosophical interior from the still unborn philosophers. She preferred a decision to procrastination, terror to suspension, stalemate to continuation of the game. Philosophy must take place here in one fell swoop, immediately and completely, since a ban on any philosophical movement has already been introduced.

The wrong side of public philosophy is filled with the products of the activity of philosophical comprachoses. The inside of philosophy, which has no free outlet to the outside, is depicted as a blade on children's bodies, launched into a terrible dance in one place. But only such a philosophy is dangerous. No other philosophy frightens, does not force not only to call the policeman, but even to grab hold of the purse.

The life of the "fourth square", the philosophical zone, is, in the proper sense, revolutionary life. No one can see the lie of a situation, or, if you like, of a regime, with such acuteness as a philosopher. Like a boy who sees, but does not know what to do with this visible and this vision. FEP is a revolution caught on the hook of political technologies.

Nevertheless, without filling the vacuum of the “zone” of philosophical communication, the full existence of thought turns out to be impossible - outside the circle of unrecognized geniuses, decrepit academicians, rogue functionaries and crazy victims of philosophy.

Across the river, the banks of which are connected by the Patriarchal Bridge, stood another Institute of Philosophy. How symbolic that after the FEP moved from Alexander House, the IP RAS also leaves its home.

"Gleb Pavlovsky kicks out the last philosopher from FEP"

This is how I imagine this picture, painted in the Mitkovo style. The wise Gleb Olegovich, on the advice of his friends, kicks the last philosophizing crook out of the Russian Journal with a kick in the ass.

But if not philosophers, then who? Who will stay "in the shop"? Historians, philologists, journalists, engineers and even ... philosophers, but the latter are already in technical positions. Something happened (I know what, but more on that some other time) - and the philosophers left FEP. Philosophy left Pavlovsky's system, having found completely different (including political) technologies for the implementation of its one-time application. I even know the date when it happened. Exactly three years ago, on March 1, 2008, a day before Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev was elected president of Russia, everything had already been decided. But at the time we didn't know about it. Everything around was full of philosophers, and during the year even several "philosophical wars" were held - about fascism and about the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

We will understand this later, almost a year after this key event that determined the cultural face of the Medvedev era. But back then, in August 2008, looking from the veranda of the Alexander House at the gorgeous view of the Kremlin from there, we talked with Gleb Pavlovsky about a new philosophical appeal. The old team no longer pulled. There was no drive. New people were needed for the next assault on power. I named several people who have already graduated from the faculty and are still studying at it. Pavlovsky was not against, but very much in favor. But the conversation somehow did not go well, and it seems that both of us understood that this was no longer possible. There will be no "new call" anymore. "Disposable Philosophy" left the FEP.

The names of the people I was talking about were Vor, Kozlyonok, Verzilov, and Tolokno.

Notes:

1) I owe these arguments to the report of Dmitry Kralechkin at one of the seminars of the Moscow Philosophical College.

) is a Russian political scientist and journalist, a former Soviet dissident.

Biography

Born in Odessa in the family of a civil engineer.

1995 - present - co-founder and director of the Effective Policy Foundation.

Positions and positions

Interview

  • . Interviewed by Roman Manekin , km.ru - 27.10.2003
  • , www.akzia.ru/ - 05.09.2005
  • . Interviewed by Elena Masyuk, www.novayagazeta.ru - 24.10.2012
  • , - 11.12.2012
  • lenta.ru/articles/2016/03/13/pavlovsky/

Awards

On July 25, 1996, by Order No. 396-rp of President Yeltsin, he received gratitude for his active participation in the organization and conduct of his election campaign.

Family

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Notes

Links

  • - article in Lentapedia. year 2012.
  • Dmitry Bykov// "Moscow Komsomolskaya Pravda": newspaper. - Moscow, 2001. - No. 15. - S. 15-17.
  • Speech at a conference in Berlin in May 2014.
  • on radio Ekho Moskvy

An excerpt characterizing Pavlovsky, Gleb Olegovich

“Ah, yes, now, wait ... Or not ... no, go tell me that I’ll come right now,” Pierre said to the butler.
But as soon as the butler came out, Pierre took the hat that lay on the table and went out of the office through the back door. There was no one in the corridor. Pierre walked the entire length of the corridor to the stairs and, grimacing and rubbing his forehead with both hands, went down to the first platform. The porter stood at the front door. From the platform to which Pierre descended, another staircase led to the back door. Pierre followed it and went out into the yard. Nobody saw him. But on the street, as soon as he came out of the gate, the coachmen standing with the carriages and the janitor saw the master and took off their hats in front of him. Feeling the fixed gazes on himself, Pierre acted like an ostrich that hides its head in a bush so that it will not be seen; he lowered his head and, quickening his pace, walked down the street.
Of all the things that lay ahead of Pierre that morning, the business of dismantling the books and papers of Iosif Alekseevich seemed to him the most necessary.
He took the first cab he came across and ordered him to go to the Patriarch's Ponds, where the house of Bazdeev's widow was.
Constantly looking from all sides at the moving carts of those leaving Moscow and recovering with his fat body so as not to slip off the rattling old droshky, Pierre, experiencing a joyful feeling similar to that experienced by a boy who has run away from school, started talking with the cab driver.
The driver told him that today they were dismantling weapons in the Kremlin, and that tomorrow the whole people would be driven out beyond the Trekhgornaya outpost, and that there would be a big battle.
Arriving at the Patriarch's Ponds, Pierre found Bazdeev's house, which he had not been to for a long time. He approached the gate. Gerasim, the same yellow, beardless old man whom Pierre had seen five years ago in Torzhok with Iosif Alekseevich, came out to his knock.
- Houses? Pierre asked.
- Due to the current circumstances, Sofya Danilovna and the children left for the Torzhkov village, Your Excellency.
“I’ll go in anyway, I need to sort out the books,” said Pierre.
- Please, you are welcome, brother of the deceased, - the kingdom of heaven! “Makar Alekseevich remained, yes, as you please know, they are in weakness,” said the old servant.
Makar Alekseevich was, as Pierre knew, the half-mad brother of Iosif Alekseevich who drank heavily.
– Yes, yes, I know. Let's go, let's go ... - said Pierre and entered the house. A tall, bald old man in a dressing gown, with a red nose, in galoshes on his bare feet, was standing in the hall; seeing Pierre, he angrily muttered something and went into the corridor.
“They were of great intelligence, but now, as you will see, they have weakened,” said Gerasim. - Do you want to go to the office? Pierre nodded his head. - The office was sealed as it was. Sofya Danilovna was ordered, if they come from you, then release the books.
Pierre entered the very gloomy office into which he had entered with such trepidation during the life of the benefactor. This office, now dusty and untouched since the death of Iosif Alekseevich, was even gloomier.
Gerasim opened one shutter and tiptoed out of the room. Pierre walked around the office, went to the cabinet in which the manuscripts lay, and took out one of the once most important shrines of the order. These were genuine Scottish acts, with notes and explanations from the benefactor. He sat down at the dusty writing table and put the manuscripts in front of him, opened them, closed them, and finally, pushing them away from him, leaning his head on his hands, thought.
Several times Gerasim carefully looked into the office and saw that Pierre was sitting in the same position. More than two hours have passed. Gerasim allowed himself to make some noise at the door in order to draw Pierre's attention to himself. Pierre did not hear him.
- Will you order the driver to let go?
“Ah, yes,” Pierre said, waking up, hastily getting up. “Listen,” he said, taking Gerasim by the button of his coat and looking down at the old man with his shining, moist, enthusiastic eyes. “Listen, do you know that tomorrow there will be a battle? ..
“They did,” replied Gerasim.
“I ask you not to tell anyone who I am. And do what I say...
- I obey, - said Gerasim. - Would you like to eat?
No, but I need something else. I need a peasant dress and a pistol,” said Pierre, suddenly blushing.
“I’m listening,” said Gerasim after thinking.
Pierre spent the rest of that day alone in the benefactor's office, pacing uneasily from one corner to another, as Gerasim heard, and talking to himself, and spent the night on the bed prepared for him right there.
Gerasim, with the habit of a servant who had seen many strange things in his lifetime, accepted Pierre's relocation without surprise and seemed to be pleased that he had someone to serve. On the same evening, without even asking himself what it was for, he got Pierre a caftan and a hat and promised to get the required pistol the next day. Makar Alekseevich that evening twice, slapping his galoshes, went up to the door and stopped, looking ingratiatingly at Pierre. But as soon as Pierre turned to him, he bashfully and angrily wrapped up his dressing gown and hurriedly left. While Pierre, in a coachman's caftan, purchased and steamed for him by Gerasim, went with him to buy a pistol at the Sukharev Tower, he met the Rostovs.

On September 1, at night, Kutuzov ordered the retreat of Russian troops through Moscow to the Ryazan road.
The first troops moved into the night. The troops marching at night were in no hurry and moved slowly and sedately; but at dawn, the moving troops, approaching the Dorogomilovsky bridge, saw in front of them, on the other side, crowding, hurrying along the bridge and on the other side rising and flooding the streets and alleys, and behind them - pushing, endless masses of troops. And causeless haste and anxiety seized the troops. Everything rushed forward to the bridge, onto the bridge, into the fords and into the boats. Kutuzov ordered that he be taken around the back streets to the other side of Moscow.
By ten o'clock in the morning on September 2, only the troops of the rear guard remained in the Dorogomilovsky suburb. The army was already on the other side of Moscow and beyond Moscow.
At the same time, at ten o'clock in the morning on September 2, Napoleon stood between his troops on Poklonnaya Hill and looked at the spectacle that opened before him. From August 26 to September 2, from the Battle of Borodino to the entry of the enemy into Moscow, all the days of this anxious, this memorable week, there was that extraordinary autumn weather, which always surprises people, when the low sun heats hotter than in spring, when everything glitters in the rare, clean air so that it hurts the eyes when the chest grows stronger and fresher, inhaling the odorous autumn air, when the nights are even warm and when in these dark warm nights from the sky incessantly, frightening and delighting, golden stars are pouring.

Political scientist Gleb Pavlovsky on the Magnitsky case and the peculiarities of communication between the Russian authorities and the population. From the program "Special Opinion" on the radio "Echo of Moscow".

G. Pavlovsky: [Regarding] Magnitsky. And then it was accepted, in a sense, as the norm, that the authorities should investigate such things, that this is a resonant case and attention should be directed to it. And it seems even Medvedev portrayed something like that. But there is some kind of behind-the-scenes side, which, of course, cannot be reduced to this group of bandits who formally appeared in this case. Because it was some kind of financial scheme. Later I tried - I was interested - I tried to find out from different people who were related to this case from both sides. Not everyone was silent, I will say so. And in general, even those who should have known did not really know anything. Apparently, Magnitsky absolutely by accident - it's like "Three Days of the Condor" - quite by accident revealed some part of the financial scheme, very important. Where neither he nor those who killed him were actually beneficiaries. Otherwise there would be no such reaction. The reaction was very harsh. Well, poor Magnitsky. It was almost 10 years ago, but sanctions were the first step here. And then they tried to make it worth it.

A. Naryshkin: In your. Did the Kremlin draw conclusions from that story?

G. Pavlovsky: Unless he hid some schemes, transferred them to some other banks. There was a fairly simple scheme with VAT, non-return and theft. And then the schemes, probably, became more complicated. But here, for sure, unlike the National Guard and the mess on the streets - there really are people here who think through these schemes - how to steal and take away the stolen.

A. Naryshkin: The anti-orphan law, as far as I remember, was adopted in response?

G. Pavlovsky A: He was accepted in return, no doubt. And in complete rage - I remember this - in the rage of the president, who said that something was really revealed, something was really hurt. It was the first time - then still the thought had to twist hands that it voted unanimously - it was the first such case.

A. Naryshkin: More than 6 years have passed since this law was adopted, there was a “March against scoundrels”. Has the fate of orphans really changed? Putin, when he signed this law, what was he thinking about?

G. Pavlovsky: Well, it was revenge, and revenge blinds, what does "thought" mean? It was revenge, the search for what would look at the same time the most merciless, painful, and show everyone that there would be no mercy here.

A. Naryshkin: Both there and here?

A. Naryshkin: Is this vindictiveness a characteristic and trait of Putin?

G. Pavlovsky A: No, this is a characteristic of our system. You see, she's weak. It's like a lesson. She is really weak. And she's afraid of open combat.

A. Naryshkin: How is she weak?<...>

G. Pavlovsky: Weak. Almost everything here can be explained through the search for a weak system of tools and accessories, ways to scare, scare, portray imagine. Therefore, it takes a lot of energy for the theater. And this is, of course, the theater of cruelty lately.

A. Naryshkin: Can a weak system exist for so many years?

G. Pavlovsky: Why not? Generally speaking, the human dinosaur, Tyrannosaurus Rex has been around for quite some time. This manner of a weak system. We could have taken a different path - we actually turned back in the 90s - we could have taken the path of nation-building, as some - not all - Eastern European countries have gone. And we went the other way - it's faster. It's a fast track, it's cutting corners. You don't have to build institutions, strive, fight with everyone on the ground so that they recognize them. You buy some, scare others. And in Russia this is the best way. What does Russian mass communication look like? - Russia is big, you take one person and torture him. You torment, torment, and you no longer have to do anything for a while. Like Magnitsky. This is the Russian means of mass communication of power.

A. Naryshkin: And the case of the riots in Moscow is about the same thing?

G. Pavlovsky: Well, yes. Poor Ilya Yashin will go, apparently, to the fifth supposedly administrative arrest. This is done consciously. And the same mug that shows itself. It doesn't even try to portray anything. Just like a refusal, moreover, an annulment of a court verdict requiring the mayor's office to name a place. That is, what is it? “But I won’t.” Of course, this brings up a different type of politicians, and they will take the stage. But right now it works.

A. Naryshkin: And as for Saturday, they also seem to be talking about some kind of protest festivities just against political repressions. Do you see any meaning in this?

G. Pavlovsky: I see the point. Those who are outraged have the right to express outrage. And there is something to be angry about. It just incites rage. And what, a person should live with his anger? He wants to express it, he has the right.

A. Naryshkin: But the risks are big.

G. Pavlovsky: The risks are big.

A. Naryshkin: Here's a "criminal case" for you, and here's an administrative arrest for you.

G. Pavlovsky: Here they take a big risk when they go “on you” - as Lyuba Sobol says “I will go out” - she has the right. That is, it has the right under the Constitution. But now we live not in a constitutional, but in an emergency, occupational space. So this is a very big risk.

Fate brings pleasant and unpleasant surprises. Often you want to get away from everyday activities and try to find a new, your own path. Each person creates his own destiny. Someone consciously, and someone - as it turns out. Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich looks at his life philosophically, whose detailed biography is replete with ups and downs, sharp turns and inexplicable zigzags.

Parents

Originally from the famous Odessa Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich. 1951 year of birth was unremarkable. But the date of March 5 shocked many new acquaintances. After all, this is the day of Stalin's death, which was perceived by contemporaries as the beginning of a new life.

Gleb's parents are quite ordinary people. Father had worked as a design engineer. Sea stations of the Black Sea from Odessa to Batumi are equipped according to his drawings. Mother had an exotic specialty as a hydrometeorologist. Worked at the Odessa weather station. At his mother's workplace, the boy saw how forecasts were made.

School years

In 1958, the boy goes to a regular high school. As a child, he clearly learned one rule: you need to prove yourself. For the first time such a feeling arose in five years. Then the father, trying to teach his son to swim, threw the boy off the pier. The salty water that filled the mouth and nose later came to mind during teenage street fights. However, Gleb Pavlovsky studied well. The granite of science came easily to him.

The family loved to read. Books were everywhere, they were turned into a kind of deity. The cult of the printed word led to voracious reading. and Krylov's fables, Russian and foreign classics, and in general everything that could be bought, were read in this family. A cocktail of conclusions and conclusions excited the blood. The boy's father seemed old-fashioned, bourgeois, not understanding modern life.

In 1968, Gleb receives There was not a single three or four. The young man is faced with the question of choosing a further path. He knew one thing for sure: he would not follow the path of his parents. A revolution was needed, a revolution in the planned fate of the Odessa citizen.

student body

Pavlovsky Gleb chooses Odessa University. The Faculty of History seemed to the young man the most attractive. He enters the chosen faculty without any problems. History as a science has always attracted the attention of yesterday's schoolchildren. He liked to plunge into the world of ancient times, which were chronologically presented in the works of historians.

1968-1973 - a period of remarkable student life. At that time, the revolutionary spirit permeated not only the air, but also the walls of the educational institution. The brainchild of 1968 can be called a revolutionary circle created by young people. Students tried to embody the ideas of the commune in their small team. The circle was called "SID" (subject of historical activity).

It was at the university that Gleb Pavlovsky tried his hand at journalism. While in his second year, he published the wall newspaper "XX Century". It was received ambiguously. Someone did not understand, someone admired. And the university party bureau removed it with a brief wording "For anarchism." The newspaper editor suffered for his offspring, he was expelled from the Komsomol.

Professional experiments

Ends in 1973. Pavlovsky Gleb receives a diploma in history, a standard blue book. And he goes to work as a history teacher at school. It was not possible to hold on to the first job for a long time. His passion for novelty books, especially forbidden ones, led to an acquaintance with the KGB. In 1974, a young teacher was arrested for possession and distribution of Solzhenitsyn's book The Gulag Archipelago. He confessed to everything and was released. He was insistently asked to leave the school.

Gleb Pavlovsky decides to change life, to break out of the circle of predictability of further events. In order to achieve his goal, he moves to live in the capital. He decides to change his profession, acquires a working specialty as a carpenter. From 1976 to 1982 he worked wherever he could find work. A construction worker, a carpenter and even a lumberjack - and this is all a person with a higher historical education.

At this time, he finds a kindred spirit in the person of Mikhail Gefter. At the turn of the seventies and eighties, Gefter founded the free samizdat magazine Poisk. Despite the lack of a Moscow residence permit, he accepts his student as a co-editor. Five issues have been published. After that, the KGB arrested the head of the literary department, Valery Abramkin. was banned and the magazine was closed in 1981. A year and a half later, Pavlovsky Gleb was also arrested.

For cooperation with the investigation, the court replaces imprisonment with exile in the Komi ASSR. A three-year stay away from political centers forces him to find a job in order to earn a living. Stoker, painter - these are the new professions that the dissident has learned.

Moscow again

The link has ended. In December 1985, despite the ban on living in the capital, Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich returned to Moscow. Biography and life again makes a zigzag. I had to hide for a year. Soviet society does not need a person with a criminal record. The dissident community has not forgiven the desecration of its main shrine - the idea of ​​confrontation. The search for work leads Gleb to a youth club on the Arbat, which processes letters coming from all sides of the USSR to the central newspapers. On its basis, the "Club of Social Initiatives" (CSI) is being created. Pavlovsky is one of its five co-founders.

Anatoly Belyaev, editor of the journal "The 20th Century and the World", hires Pavlovsky. He took a risk: warming up a person with a criminal record and without a Moscow residence permit is akin to suicide. Since 1987, Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich has been a journalist for an information cooperative with the short name "Fact" under the leadership of Vladimir Yakovlev.

1989 - journalist, historian, dissident goes on an independent voyage. He heads the journal "Century of the XX and the World", creates the PostFactum news agency (Postfactum).

In the spring of 1994, Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich was again under investigation. accused of developing the "Version #1" analytical scenario. The fictional story thoroughly explores the possibility of an anti-presidential conspiracy.

Approach to power

The next 1995 brings a new idea and its implementation. This is the year when the Fund for Effective Policy (FEP) was created. The new organization takes an active part in the elections to the State Duma. But the political association "Congress of Russian Communities" did not get the necessary number of votes to present their candidates to the Duma.

The presidential elections in 1996 provided a wide field for the development of the activities of the Effective Policy Foundation. He becomes the chief consultant of Boris Yeltsin's headquarters in the election campaign, works with the media.

Internet journalism

Catching the wind of change is not for everyone. Always guess the right direction, Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich can start to act actively. The Russian political scientist was one of the first to appreciate the role of emerging journalism on the Internet. He creates a network "Russian Journal". He himself holds the position of editor-in-chief.

Information sites are becoming another source of inspiration and profit. The most famous of them were Vesti.ru, SMI.ru and Strana.ru. The last two are under his personal control.

Place in the modern world

Today, Gleb Olegovich is called differently. and provocateur, philosopher and analyst, PR genius and manipulator. It is he who is credited with the loudest scandals of our time. Under his leadership, Berezovsky resigned. He controlled the targeted compromise of the wife of Moscow Mayor Luzhkov. But the main merit is considered to be the campaign to promote Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin and replace Boris Yeltsin. But Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich is not going to comment, deny or confirm these judgments. A well-known political scientist considers this not so important. According to him, he simply writes applied history.

Approximation to the first people in the state remains the case under the first number. Today he is an adviser to the head of the Presidential Administration. A political scientist can give advice to VV Putin. The head of the Russian Federation listens to the recommendations of an experienced journalist and historian. The most important strategist of the Kremlin - such an honorary title was received by the presidential consultant from Time magazine.

Family and friends

The political career was successful. Business is booming. Pavlovsky himself says that he can get by with little. But his family life does not have a predictable ending. Violent activity did not make Gleb Olegovich successful in creating a traditional union.

The first time Gleb Olegovich married Olga Ilnitskaya while still a student. In marriage, a son, Sergei, was born. Before moving to Moscow in the mid-seventies, he gets divorced. Life in a family with a young child did not give space. Now the son is already an adult, he works in one of his father's online publications.

With the rest of the children, such a close relationship did not work out. In total, he has five more children Pavlovsky Gleb Olegovich. The personal life and career of a well-known political scientist and journalist developed dynamically. The warmest relations have been preserved with his ex-wife Olga.

The well-known political strategist does not have a large number of friends. He carefully treats his few old and trusted comrades. Among them, the most famous is Valentin Yumashev.