Anatoly minds returned names. Anatoly Razumov. People's Truth. The interview was conducted by Alina Beriashvili. "Drum Memory of the Past"
We didn't know much. And when the truth was revealed, they did not want to believe it. On those responsible for the Great Stalinist terror in the Novgorod region
Who is responsible for state terror. Maybe Stalin did not know?
Members of the editorial board of the Novgorod Book of Memory of Victims of Political Repressions, readers and authors of memoirs asked to write about those who are responsible for the atrocities of the state. The task of the Book of Memory is to name the repressed. Almost all the names of the dead, missing and victims of repression in the Novgorod region are named in fifteen volumes of the Book of Memory. The 16th volume with a consolidated index of names is being prepared. We turn to the names of the villains for the second time (see the essay “Organizers and Executors of Political Repressions on Novgorod Land” in the 11th volume). The time is right: in 2017 we celebrated the centenary of the upheaval of Russian history, the creation of punitive bodies and the 80th anniversary of the Great Stalinist Terror; in 2018 we celebrate the centenary of the Red Leninist terror.
Compare the data on the repressed in the Novgorod Book of Memory, summary chronological tables. You will see that the period of the Stalinist terror of 1937-1938 was the most bloody. I work at the Returned Names Center at the National Library of Russia, answer letters, calls and receive visitors. Two sisters, their father was shot. We are talking about mass executions in the USSR. At the end of the conversation, one of the two - after a pause, timidly and with some hope - asks: “You read a lot. And what do you think, maybe Stalin did not know? Knew. He was the organizer of terror.
The organizers of terror, Lenin and Dzerzhinsky, the organizers of terror, Stalin, Voroshilov, Vyshinsky, Zhdanov, lie on Red Square in Moscow. With them, and start talking about atrocities. In 2013, I was an expert in the formation of the Federal Program to Perpetuate the Memory of Victims of Political Repressions. I remember what was written in the State Policy Concept for Perpetuating the Memory of the Victims of Political Repressions in 2015: “Continued attempts to justify the repressions by the peculiarities of the time or even deny them as a fact of our history are unacceptable.” This also applies to attempts to justify the organizers of repression.
Who is responsible for the punitive operation in the Novgorod region in 1937-1938
During this period, the Novgorod region, with the exception of the Kholmsky district, was part of the Leningrad region. Responsibility for carrying out a punitive operation is:
Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. First of all, I.V. Stalin, V.M. Molotov, L.M. Kaganovich, K.E. Voroshilov, A.A. Zhdanov. They endorsed the lists for trial by the Military Collegium, decided on a punitive operation, approved the order of the NKVD with plans for executions and landings in camps;
- Leningrad regional committee of the CPSU (b). Second secretaries - P.I. Smorodin, A.A. Kuznetsov, T. F. Shtykov - were, replacing each other, part of the Special Troika under the NKVD;
- The prosecutor's office. USSR Prosecutor A. Ya. Vyshinsky sanctioned the courts of the Military Collegium, spoke at show trials, and, together with People's Commissar of Internal Affairs Yezhov, approved the sentences of "twos". Regional prosecutors B.P. Pozern, M.D. Balyasnikov were part of the Special Troikas; the prosecutors of the Leningrad Military District issued sanctions against repressions;
- Military lawyers of the Military Collegium Supreme Court USSR headed by V.S. Ulrich; members of military tribunals;
- judges of the Leningrad Regional Court; line court judges;
- People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR headed by N.I. Yezhov. Yezhov was not an independent figure - Stalin nominated, Stalin removed - however, Yezhov's name became a household name. - The leadership of the NKVD Directorate for the Leningrad Region, headed by L.M. Zakovsky, and then M.I. Litvin: heads of departments, operational sectors and district departments;
- investigators who wrote false protocols of interrogations in an “expedited and simplified manner” according to a model sent from Moscow;
- secret informants who were in touch with investigators;
- Witnesses who decided to perjure themselves in court;
- enthusiastic scammers, carried away by radio and newspaper propaganda of the fight against "enemies of the people";
- executioners-shooters;
- escorts and jailers.
Many were both organizers and perpetrators of terror.
And why did they do it?
This question was asked to me during a memory lesson by one of the students of the senior classes of school No. 2 in the city of Kirovsk.
The great Stalinist terror is the result of the self-development of the so-called world's first state of workers and peasants.
In 1936 a new, Stalinist constitution was adopted.
In the anniversary year of 1937, elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR were to be held, declared as universal, secret and equal.
Stalin and his comrades timed a punitive campaign for the elections: during four months, starting from August 5, 1937, all the unreliable who were registered with the NKVD were to be shot in the country (“first category”) or put in camps (“second category”). "Pogrom" - according to the lexicon of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and Stalin personally.
In the republics, territories and regions of the USSR, "troikas" were created, consisting of the head of the NKVD, the prosecutor and the party secretary.
By the end of the second "Stalinist five-year plan" there should have been no representatives of the old classes left in the country. Who would have thought that total destruction was meant.
Simultaneously with the extrajudicial verdicts of the Special Troika, lists of “spies, saboteurs, wreckers and terrorists” were being prepared in Leningrad along national lines: “Poles”, “Estonians”, “Finns”, “Germans”, “Latvians”, “Harbins”, “ROVS - members of the Russian All-Military Union", "British", "Iranian", "combined" lists. They were approved by the Commission of the NKVD and the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR.
The great Stalinist terror was a reflection of the Red Leninist, only at a different time. Once they proclaimed the "victory of the socialist revolution", now - the "victory of socialism". There are "external and internal enemies", and now they are everywhere. There the slogan is "death to spies!", now - "we will destroy spies, saboteurs and pests to the end!". Finally, there Lenin concluded the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, and here Stalin will conclude in 1939 an agreement "On Friendship and Borders" with Hitler.
Anniversary celebrations and elections have died down. But the punitive operation continued. On January 30, 1938, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks adopted new plans for executions and landings in camps. The plans were supposed to be carried out simultaneously with a high-profile show trial in March 1938. However, they did not stop in the spring either. The punitive operation in the USSR ended in the autumn of 1938; the last mass execution in Leningrad took place on November 6. For a year and a half in Leningrad and on orders from Leningrad, more than 45 thousand people were shot.
How the repressions were carried out in the Novogorod region
For how the show trials were carried out on "pests in agriculture", see the essay "Thinking about the wonderful prospects of the thirty-seventh year" in the 10th volume of the Novgorod Book of Memory. The population had to learn from the newspapers about the "enemies of the people" and rejoice that local leaders were to blame for all the troubles.
One of my visitors, Vladimir Alekseevich Volkov, spoke best of all about the secret side of the Novgorod repressions. He came, I remember, and asked a question: “They shot my father, uncle, mother’s brother and his wife. They were declared a counter-revolutionary group. But this is a family, what kind of group is this? I answered: “Yes, what does the investigator care? He has a plan, bosses, plans for Moscow ... So he composed that the group. On the next visit, Volkov says: “You know, I understand that the investigator has a plan, and the authorities, and Moscow’s plans. But this is a family. What kind of group are they? So several times, besides, Vladimir Alekseevich was seriously ill. And I said: "Write everything you learned and what you think about this old Russian case." He thought and wrote: "Family group of four."
Where and how the Novgorodians were shot
Most of the Novgorodians, after the approval of the death sentences of the “troika” and “two”, were escorted to Leningrad, to Nizhegorodskaya, 39. The verdicts were not announced. They only knew that they were being transferred from place to place, the prison on Nizhny Novgorod was considered a "transit" prison. The 225th escort regiment was engaged in escorting. It took me twenty years of work to draw a conclusion: they were shot at Nizhegorodskaya. This prison is not in plain sight, it is provided with convenient entrances for the supply of cars and wagons with prisoners. And at that time it was a single complex with the Pathological and Anatomical Institute and the Military Medical Academy. The recognized burial place of those shot in Leningrad is the Levashovskoye memorial cemetery. From Nizhny Novgorod there are 12 kilometers, the usual distance to large burial grounds of the NKVD.
Residents of Leningrad were transferred to Nizhny Novgorod right before being shot. Here is the testimony of Boris Kreutzer: “In the middle of September of the same year, I was transferred to prison No. 3, located on Nizhegorodskaya Street. On the same day that I was brought to Prison No. 3, at about two o'clock in the morning I was summoned and placed in the corridor, where there were many other persons unknown to me, mainly of Far Eastern nationalities. All these faces, as well as myself, stood in pairs. When everyone was lined up, personal belongings were taken away from us, which were piled into one heap. Then some employee from the prison staff tied my hands behind my back with a rope, after which another, who asked for biographical data from the prisoners standing in the corridor, approached me and began to ask my last name, first name, patronymic, year of birth, place of birth, nationality and other data."
Thousands of Novgorodians were shot in Leningrad.
More than 1200 Novgorodians were shot in Novgorod, more than 500 in Borovichi. In other cities of the Leningrad region, practically no executions were carried out. The acts of executions in Novgorod were executed on Leningrad forms and signed by the head of the Novgorod city department Glushanin, the acts of executions in Borovichi were signed by commandant Robochy. Every year on September 5, on the Day of Remembrance, members of the Society of the Rehabilitated of the Novgorod Region come to Levashovo. Come and you. The mass burial of the executed in Novgorod was helped by Yuri Alekseevich Dmitriev. Haven't found yet. How the corpses were shot and buried in Leningrad, Novgorod and Borovichi is practically unknown to us. However, the Leningrad executioners-order-bearers Matveev, Alafer, Shalygin repeatedly worked on the road. From what we know about the executions in Medvezhyegorsk, it is clear that these were not executions, but massacres.
The technology of executions in Medvezhyegorsk. Sandarmokh
The Medvezhyegorsk (BelBaltlagovskaya) operational brigade for mass executions was created in August 1937 and consisted of about 30 people. Some were responsible for preparatory work in the forest (digging holes, bonfires), others for taking them out of the isolation cells and tying them with ropes, others for convoying, and fourth for execution. There were also chauffeurs and guard dogs. Everyone was stripped of additional subscriptions to ensure the strictest secrecy. At the disposal of the operational brigade were two three-ton and one passenger car. The head of the 5th department (for combating shoots) I.A. was shot. Bondarenko and deputy. head of the 3rd department A.F. Shondysh, former investigator of the Leningrad GPU. The eldest of the chiefs taking part in the executions drove in a passenger car. Special work went for an additional payment, from 180 rubles for forest work, up to 240 rubles for drivers and escorts. Executors of sentences, apparently, received more. Bondarenko once received a prize of 250 rubles.
Upon the arrival of the Leningrad operational brigade (Matveev, Alafer, etc.), the Medvezhyegorsk one was attached to it. Among the usual means that were used in Medvezhya Gora were ropes for tying, rope nooses and rags (towels) - for strangling those who screamed. They beat me with hands, feet, weapons. Under Bondarenka, there was always an iron cane about a meter long, about a centimeter thick, pointed at one end and with a hammer and hatchet at the other.
Matveev brought the Leningrad experience. Two birch clubs were made, 42 cm long, 7 cm thick and a 12 cm long handle. with no reason. Beaters struck on the head, shoulders, chest, stomach, knees. From a blow to the head with a two-kilogram mallet, a person most often lost consciousness. The head was smashed to the point of blood, sometimes the skull was smashed and killed. Even worse were the blows with iron canes (the second was made on the model of the first - faceted, pointed at one end, with a welded hammer on the other). From a blow with an iron cane, a hammer or an ax blade entered the body, the collarbones were easily interrupted. A special technique was piercing the body with the sharp end of a cane.
Beaters and canes were used in the detention center, on the way from the detention center to the forest (the escort was given a mallet and a cane on each truck) and at the execution pits.
The LBC detention center could accommodate 200-300 or more people in preparation for execution. The actions were carried out in the interrogation and "identification room" (it is also the "arm binding room", the office of the isolation ward), the "leg binding room" and in the "waiting room".
From the duty room they called a prisoner with things, asked about the profession and said that they were taking him to the examination of the medical commission. In the "hand binding room" the chiefs of the operation sat at the table and asked the usual questions about the "setting data". After verifying the data, the interviewer uttered the conditional phrase: “Good for the stage.” Immediately, two grabbed the prisoner by the hands and sharply twisted them back. The third immediately tied his hands. People screamed not only in pain, but also asked for explanations: “Why are you knitting?”. The man sitting at the table took out a mallet, asked him to bring the prisoner closer and hit him on the head with all his might. In the event of a scream, one of the Chekists grabbed the prisoner by the throat and choked him. In case of attempts to resist, everyone in the room jumped on them and beat them until they lost consciousness. Those who were beaten to death were taken to the lavatory. In the “hand-tying room” money, watches, and other valuables were taken away and put into a drawer of the boss's desk. The prisoner was then dragged into the next room. They took off the remaining outer clothing and tied their legs. Those prepared in this way were seated or laid down in the "waiting room". From time to time in the waiting room they beat everyone in a row with mallets. When 50-60 people were recruited, the guards began to load (carry on their shoulders) 25-30 people into the back of each truck. There were benches in the back, but they were rarely seated on them - it was difficult to sit tied up on a bumpy bumpy road. Usually everyone was stacked in a pile and covered with a tarpaulin. Four escorts and a guide with a dog relied on each car.
At night, a caravan of trucks and a passenger car that closed them drove out of the gates of the isolation ward. None of the prisoners had the right to return back.
The team working in the forest dug large deep holes in the light sandy soil ahead of time. Fires were lit near the pits. Cars arrived, they were brought to the pits.
They shot Matveev, Alafer, Bondarenko and Shondysh. The “cultural” explanation of the execution procedure by Matveev looks like this: “In the indicated pit, they ordered the arrested person to lie face down, after which they shot the arrested person point-blank from the revolver.” But this could be done with healthy and hypnotized people. In fact, it was not so. Prisoners were brought or dragged to the pit. At this time, not all of them even showed signs of life. Those who seemed still cheerful or said something were beaten on the head with a mallet. Those who were especially hated were beaten with anything and as much as they could. Served at the bottom of the pit. There they laid down the floor and shot at point-blank range in the head. It also happened: they put their heads on the edge of the pit and fired. If the bound tried to move away from the pit, they pushed him back with their feet and fired.
During the night, the cars made several flights. By four in the morning, the operation was completed.
In 1997 Yuri Dmitriev found this place. The memorial complex was named Sandarmokh. Memorial Day is always celebrated here on August 5th. Come. Let's support Dmitriev, save Sandarmokh, create a new Book of Memory.
Short list of those responsible for terror
Alafer Georgy Leongardovich (1900-1973) - from 1930 on-duty commandant, from 1933 assistant. commandant of the OGPU PP (UNKVD LO), executioner-shooter, ml. lieutenant GB. He was awarded the badge "Honorary Chekist" (1934), the Order of the Red Star (1936), the Orders of Lenin and the Red Banner (1945). He shot in Leningrad and in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a valuable gift for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution." After the war he lived in Leningrad.
Balyasnikov Mikhail Dmitrievich (1902-?) - First Secretary of the Tosno District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, from July 1938 in the office of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Prosecutor of the region from September 1938 to 1944. Member of the Special Troika of the UNKVD LO in October-November 1938.
Beldyagin Grigory Yakovlevich (1900-?) - early. Starorussky RO NKVD, then deputy. early Pskov regional department of the UNKVD LO, Lieutenant of State Security. Sentenced in 1940 to 10 years in labor camp, in 1941 convicted a second time.
Bondarenko Ivan Andreevich (1900-1939) - authorized 3rd part of the Solovetsky branch of the USLAG, since 1933 in the 3rd department of the Belbaltkombinat, beginning. 5th branch in 1935-1938. Member of the Medvezhyegorsk firing squad, a sadist. Arrested March 18, 1938. Sentenced May 24-30, 1939 to VMN. Shot in Petrozavodsk on October 20, 1939. Not rehabilitated.
Braninov Vasily Stepanovich (1893-?) - early. Borovichsky RO NKVD, early. operational group for the Borovichi operational sector, art. lieutenant GB, member of the bureau of the district committee of the CPSU (b). Orders for executions in Borovichi were addressed to him. He was awarded the badge "Honorary Chekist" (1937), the Order of the Red Star (1936), the Orders of Lenin and the Red Banner (1945). After the war he lived in Leningrad.
Budarin Vasily Ivanovich - commander of the machine-gun company of the 2nd rifle battalion of the 225th convoy regiment. Escorted prisoners.
Vasiliev Stepan Vasilyevich (1904 -?) - overseer of the DPZ UNKVD LO, junior commander platoon, member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the NKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a Korovin pistol for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Voroshilov Kliment Efremovich (1881-1969) - member of the Politburo (Presidium) of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - CPSU in 1926-1960, People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR in 1934-1940. Cavalier of 8 Orders of Lenin. Buried in Red Square in Moscow.
Voskresensky Nikolai Petrovich (1894 -?) - driver of the UNKVD LO, member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the NKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a watch for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Vyshinsky Andrei Yanuarievich (1883-1954) - Prosecutor of the USSR (1935-1939) and a member of the main "two" - the Commission consisting of the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor of the USSR (1937-1938). He was awarded the Order of Lenin on July 20, 1937 for "successful work to strengthen revolutionary legality and the prosecutor's office." Cavalier of 6 Orders of Lenin. Buried in Red Square in Moscow.
Garin (Zhebenev) Vladimir (Ivan) Nikolaevich (1896-1940) - security officer since 1919, deputy. head of the UNKVD LO from December 13, 1936, Art. major GB, member of the Special Troika UNKVD LO in 1937-1938. Member of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR. He was awarded the Order of the Red Banner (1928), 2 badges "Honorary Chekist" (1926, 1932). According to the order of the NKVD LO, he personally led the punitive operation in the region. Head of the Soroca ITL from June 2, 1938. Died a natural death. He was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.
Glushanin Vladimir Nikolaevich (1897-?) - a native of Art. Kotelnikovo, graduated from the Kazan Infantry School, second lieutenant tsarist army, a member of the CPSU (b) since 1918, in the organs of the State Security since 1920. In 1937-1938, the beginning. Novgorod city department UNKVD LO and early. operational groups for the Novgorod operations sector (city department and the districts of Novgorodsky, Krestetsky, Chudovsky, Malo-Vishersky, Soletsky, Shimsky). Orders for executions in Novgorod were addressed to him. At a party conference in May 1938, he said: "It is necessary to beat the enemy accurately, so that the roots do not hide anywhere." Deputy early fire department of the UNKVD LO from June 27, 1938. Dismissed from the State Security Service on March 14, 1940 from the post of head. 3rd Special Department of the UNKVD of Leningrad. In 1940-1941, deputy. director of the hotel "Astoria" and director of the hotel "European". During the war, early special construction 85, early. management of prisoner-of-war camps of the 4th Ukrainian Front, early. department for combating banditry of the Estonian SSR. Dismissed August 1, 1946 from the post of deputy. early on operational check work of the camp for prisoners of war No. 339 of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Leningrad Region, lieutenant colonel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Beginning cameral group, beginning. Far Eastern Expedition of the All-Union Aerogeological Trust in 1948-1950. Arrested November 6, 1950 for "embezzlement and anti-Soviet agitation." Sentenced June 2-3, 1952 to 10 years in labor camp. Released in 1954, sentence overturned for lack of evidence. Lived in Leningrad. He was awarded the Order of Lenin, 3 Orders of the Red Banner and medals.
Derevyanko Sergey Emelyanovich - overseer of the DPZ UNKVD LO, junior commander platoon, member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded military weapons for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Egorov Mikhail Akindinovich (1900-1951) - security officer from 1919, early. 8th department of the UNKVD LO, secretary of the Special Troika, art. lieutenant GB. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a valuable gift for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution." Retired colonel since 1946. He was awarded the badge "Honorary Chekist", 2 orders of the Red Star, the Order of the Badge of Honor, the Order of the Red Banner and the Order of Lenin (1945).
Yezhov Nikolai Ivanovich (1895-1940) - Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks since 1935, candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks since 1937, People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR in 1936-1938, General Commissar of the State Security Service. He was awarded the Order of Lenin on July 17, 1937 for "outstanding success in leading the NKVD bodies to carry out government assignments." Arrested April 10, 1939. Sentenced April 4, 1940 to VMN. Shot in Moscow. Not rehabilitated (guilt in "espionage and terrorist activities" has not been proven, but responsibility has been established as one of the organizers of the repressions).
Ershov Nikolai Fedorovich - commandant of the UNKVD LO building, secretary of the Administrative Department, member of the Leningrad operational team in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded weapons for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Zhdanov Andrei Alexandrovich (1896-1948) - First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee and City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1934-1945, Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, holder of 2 Orders of Lenin. Buried in Red Square in Moscow.
Zakovsky Leonid Mikhailovich (Shtubis Heinrich Ernestovich) (1894-1938) - Chekist since 1917, early. UNKVD LO in 1934-1938, chairman of the Special Troika UNKVD LO in 1937, deputy. People's Commissar of Internal Affairs and the beginning. UNKVD Moscow region. in 1938, commissioner of the 1st rank GB. Zakovsky's articles on the fight against spies, saboteurs and pests in 1937 were published in all the newspapers of the USSR and published in pamphlets. On June 25, 1937, he was awarded the Order of Lenin for "exemplary and selfless fulfillment of the most important tasks of the government." He had 2 Orders of the Red Banner (1922, 1932), the Order of the Red Star (1936), 2 badges "Honorary Chekist" (1923, 1933). Arrested April 30, 1938. Sentenced August 29, 1938 to VMN. Shot in Moscow on the same day. Denied rehabilitation in 1987 (guilt in "espionage and terrorist activities" was not confirmed, responsibility was established as one of the organizers of the repressions).
Kaganovich Lazar Moiseevich (1893-1991) - member of the Politburo (Presidium) of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - the CPSU in 1930-1957. Cavalier of 4 Orders of Lenin.
Karsakov (Korsakov) Dmitry Nikolaevich - in 1937 foreman of the machine-gun company of the 2nd rifle battalion of the 225th convoy regiment. Convoyed to the place of execution. By order of the regiment on December 20, 1937, he received gratitude and 50 rubles for "the good performance of the special services and the provision of combat training."
Kondratovich Alexei Viktorovich (1900-?) - member of the CPSU (b) in 1927-1938, Chekist since 1925, early. accounting and statistical department of the PGPU OGPU in the LVO in 1933-1934. In August - early September 1937, the secretary of the Troika (Special Troika) of the NKVD LO signed the minutes of the meetings No. 1-27. Member of the Smolninsky District Council. He was awarded military weapons from the Collegium of the OGPU and a silver watch from the Leningrad City Council. Arrested on November 4, 1938 as a "participant in an anti-Soviet terrorist organization." During a search of the apartment, 16 folders were seized secret documents on the course of the NKVD LO operation: copies of 381 indictments on cases completed and submitted for consideration to the NKVD Commission and the USSR Prosecutor's Office; a list of 349 people with compromising materials; special reports on the results of the work of the Lenopersektor in June - August 1938, etc. Kondratovich's cellmate testified that he “talked a lot about the details and details of the work of the UNKVD LO over the past two years […] how the last operations (arrests) took place) on what grounds people were arrested and imprisoned, how operational meetings were held in the UNKVD LO […], about the work of troikas, investigative cases, about the fact that literally tens of thousands of people were shot, about where these documents and reports of recent years are stored and etc. etc.” Kondratovich set up tapping in the cell, learned and passed on to the other arrested about the request of the Supreme Council to Stalin about perversions in the work of the NKVD, about the removal of Yezhov and the upcoming congress of the CPSU (b). Sentenced on September 23, 1939 for "participation in a counter-revolutionary organization" for 8 years in labor camp. He served time in Vyatlag. In May 1944 he was released ahead of schedule. In 1954 - early. planning department of the Tesovo-2 peat enterprise, lived at the station. Rogavka, Novgorod region Case dismissed December 28, 1955.
Korkin Pyotr Andreevich (1900-1940) - early. 4th Department of the UNKVD LO, major GB, Korkin's article "On the subversive work of foreign intelligence in the countryside" dated July 11, 1937 was reprinted in all newspapers of the region. From July 26, 1937 beginning. UNKVD Voronezh region. Cavalier of the Order of Lenin. Arrested on January 20, 1939. Shot on January 28, 1940. Not rehabilitated.
Kuznetsov Alexey Alexandrovich (1905-1950) - second secretary of the regional committee of the CPSU (b) from October 22, 1937. Member of the Special Troika in March-June 1938. Member of the military councils of the Baltic Fleet, Northern and Leningrad fronts during the war. Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in 1946-1949, holder of 2 Orders of Lenin. Shot on October 1, 1950 in the "Leningrad case". Rehabilitated in 1954.
Kuznetsov Nikolay Ignatievich (1908-?) - the watchman of the commandant's office of the UNKVD LO, a member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the NKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a Korovin pistol for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution"
Larioshin Karp Grigoryevich (1906-?) - overseer of the DPZ UNKVD LO, junior commander platoon, member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a Korovin pistol and a watch for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Levin Konstantin Lazarevich - in 1937 the commander of the 2nd platoon of a half company of a machine gun company of the 2nd rifle battalion of the 225th convoy regiment. Escorted prisoners.
Litvin Mikhail Iosifovich (1892-1938) - party worker, Chekist since 1936, early. UNKVD LO and chairman of the Special Troika since January 1938, commissioner of the 3rd rank State Security Service. He was awarded the Order of Lenin on July 22, 1937 for "exemplary and selfless fulfillment of the most important tasks of the government." Cavalier of the badge "Honorary Chekist" (1938). Shot himself November 12, 1938.
Malinin Nikolai Fedorovich - early. task force of the Starorussky operational sector of the NKVD (the districts of Starorussky, Volotovsky, Poddorsky, Zaluchsky, Demyansky, Molvotitsky, Lychkovsky, Valdai, Dnovsky, Dedovichsky), beginning. Department of highways UNKVD LO, deputy. early GUSHOSDOR of the NKVD of the USSR from October 29, 1937. Subsequently, colonel. In 1962-1967 he was an engineer of the Road Management Department of the Kyiv City Executive Committee. Died in 1979.
Matveev Mikhail Rodionovich (1892-1971) - a native of the village of Volosovo, Borovichi district. Novgorod province. After February Revolution 1917 in the Red Guard, member of the district investigative commission of the Cheka in 1918, commandant on duty of the OGPU PP in the LVO in 1927-1929, commandant in 1929-1933, deputy. head of the Administrative Department of the UNKVD LO, executioner-shooter, captain of the State Security Service. He was awarded a silver cigarette case, a Browning weapon (1927), an Honorary Chekist badge (1933), and the Order of the Red Star (1936). On December 20, 1937, by order of the UNKVD LO, he was awarded a radiogram with records for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution." Arrested March 11, 1939. Sentenced May 24-30, 1939 to 10 years in labor camp. The term was reduced on September 23, 1939 to 3 years. No awards. He served time in Volgolag, was released ahead of schedule. During the Siege of Leningrad UNKGB inner prison. Awarded the Order of Lenin. Died in Leningrad.
Molotov (Skryabin) Vyacheslav Mikhailovich (1890-1986) - member of the Politburo (Presidium) of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks - CPSU in 1926-1957, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in 1930-1941, holder of 4 orders of Lenin.
Podgorny Andrey Stepanovich - in 1937, commander of a semi-company of a machine-gun company of the 2nd rifle battalion of the 225th convoy regiment, lieutenant. Performed escort duties. By order of the regiment on December 20, 1937, he received gratitude and 100 rubles for "the good performance of the special services and the provision of combat training."
Pozern Boris Pavlovich (1882-1939) - Prosecutor of the Leningrad Region. member of the Special Troika and "two" UNKVD LO in 1937-1938. Arrested July 9, 1938. Sentenced February 25, 1939 to VMN. Shot in Moscow on the same day. Rehabilitated in 1957.
Polikarpov Alexander Romanovich (1897-1939) - commandant of the OGPU PP in the LVO (UNKVD LO) since August 1933, executioner-shooter, art. lieutenant GB. Since August 1937, he single-handedly signed acts of execution. He was awarded the badge "Honorary Chekist" (1934), the Order of the Red Star (1936). By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a valuable gift for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution." He shot himself on March 14, 1939 after the arrest of M.R. Matveev.
Robochiy - commandant of the Borovichi RO NKVD. I personally shot.
Skurikhin Vasily Alexandrovich (1904-?) - early. 8th department and inspector under the head of the UNKVD LO in April-July 1938. Secretary of the Special Troika in May-June 1938. Art. lieutenant of the State Security Service from November 5, 1937, captain of the State Security Service from July 15, 1938. Awarded the Order of the Badge of Honor on July 22, 1937. Arrested on August 20, 1939. Sentenced on May 3, 1940 to 8 years in labor camp. He served time in the Sevvostlag. Amnestied in 1957.
Smorodin Pyotr Ivanovich (1897-1939) - Second Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, member of the Special Troika in August-September 1937. First Secretary of the Stalingrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks from September 15, 1937. Arrested on June 28, 1938. Shot on February 25, 1939. Rehabilitated in 1956.
Sauste Martin Janovich (1896-1938) - early. Administration of the UNKVD LO until April 27, 1937, pom. head of the UNKVD LO, major GB from May 26, 1937, deputy. head of the UNKVD LO from July 7, 1937. Responsible for organizing executions and burials of the executed. Arrested April 18, 1938 as "a spy for Latvian intelligence". Killed during interrogation in the Lefortovo prison on May 5, 1938. Rehabilitated.
Spiridonov - pom. commandant of the UNKVD LO Polikarpov. I personally shot.
Stalin (Dzhugashvili) Iosif Vissarionovich (1879-1953) - Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, organizer of the punitive campaign of 1937-1938 in the USSR. Buried in Red Square in Moscow.
Tverdokhleb Andrei Sergeevich - warden of the DPZ UNKVD LO, junior commander platoon, member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. On December 20, 1937, by order of the UNKVD LO, he was awarded military weapons for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Ulrich Vasily Vasilyevich (1889-1951) - security officer from 1918, chairman of the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR in 1926-1948. He was awarded the Order of Lenin on August 20, 1937 for "successful work to strengthen revolutionary legality and protect the interests of the state." Cavalier of 2 Orders of Lenin. He was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.
Uryvaev Alexey Fedorovich - junior. lieutenant of the State Security Service, detective of the Porkhov Regional Directorate of the UNKVD, in 1937 in the operational group of the Starorussky operational sector, attached to the Starorusskaya prison.
Utkin Prokopy Mikhailovich - sergeant of the State Security Service in the Starorussky District Department of the NKVD, in 1939, early. Krestetsky RO NKVD, ml. lieutenant GB.
Frinovsky Georgy Petrovich (1908-1942) - brother of commander M.P. Frinovsky, from January 1937 served as chief of staff, from October 7, 1937 commander of the 225th escort regiment; from July 31, 1937 captain, in the fall of 1938 major. Managed the escort. Killed in the Siege of Leningrad.
Frinovsky Mikhail Petrovich (1892-1940) - First Deputy People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR, commander (1935), commander of the 1st rank (1938). He led the punitive operation in accordance with the order of the NKVD No. 00447. He was awarded 2 badges "Honorary Chekist" (1925, 1933), the Order of Lenin (1936), 3 orders of the Red Banner, the Order of the Red Star (1937). Arrested April 6, 1939. Sentenced April 4, 1940 to VMN. Shot in Moscow. Not rehabilitated.
Chigintsev Timofey Dmitrievich (1907-?) - overseer of the DPZ UNKVD LO, junior commander platoon, member of the Leningrad operational brigade in Medvezhyegorsk. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded military weapons for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution."
Shalygin Pavel Dmitrievich (1897-?) - in the Red Army from 1918, took part in the suppression of the Antonov uprising, security officer from 1924, commandant on duty from 1931, pom. commandant of the UNKVD LO since 1935, executioner-shooter, ml. lieutenant GB. By order of the UNKVD LO on December 20, 1937, he was awarded a valuable gift for "selfless work in the fight against counter-revolution." In 1939-1941 commandant, Art. lieutenant GB, then early. commandant, dismissed in 1947 with the rank of colonel for health reasons. He was awarded a nominal weapon, the badge "Honorary Chekist" (1934), the Order of the Red Star (1936), the Orders of Lenin and the Red Banner (1945). After the war he lived in Leningrad.
Shondysh Alexander Frolovich (1902-1939) - security officer since 1928, detective of the secret political department of the OGPU PP in the Leningrad Military District in 1932-1934 (conducted the affairs of local historians), in the 3rd department of the Belbaltkombinat since 1935, deputy. head of the department from July 25, 1937, secretary of the party committee of the department, was awarded a silver watch and personalized weapons. Member of the Medvezhyegorsk firing squad. Arrested March 18, 1938. Sentenced May 24-30, 1939 to VMN. Shot in Petrozavodsk on October 20, 1939. Not rehabilitated.
Shtykov Terenty Fomich (1907-1964) - in 1937 secretary of the Vyborg District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, from June 1938 second secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Member of the Special Troika UNKVD LO in October-November 1938. During the Soviet-Finnish, Great Patriotic and Soviet-Japanese wars, a member of the military councils of the army and a number of fronts. Ambassador to the DPRK in 1948-1951. First Secretary of the Novgorod Regional Committee, Primorsky Regional Committee in 1954-1959. Cavalier of 3 Orders of Lenin.
Anatoly Razumov
People's Truth
Interviewed by Alina Beriashvili
(Prepared based on material:
Razumov A. Legend of horror // Novgorod News. November 27, 2013
URL: http://novved.ru/kultura/26970-predanie-ob-uzhase.html)
The numbers in The Gulag Archipelago are overstated, but as a whole picture it is correct, says Alexander Solzhenitsyn's colleague from the book
Anatoly RAZUMOV, senior researcher at the National Library of Russia, head of the Returned Names Center at the National Library of Russia, visited Veliky Novgorod as part of the presentation of the 13th volume of the Book of Memory.
A historian and archaeologist, he has been searching for information about the dead and missing during the repressions and wars for many years. In addition, it was he who was the editor of the name index to the Gulag Archipelago. On the eve of the 95th birthday of Alexander Solzhenitsyn (born December 11, 1918), Anatoly Yakovlevich told NV about his work with him:
I discovered Solzhenitsyn as a writer in my youth, when I was given two stories to read for the night, published in Novy Mir, but at that time already withdrawn from libraries: “Matryonin Dvor” and “One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich,” he recalled the past. - In those years I was haunted by an unpleasant feeling that a terrible gap had formed in Russian literature after the masterpieces of the 19th-20th centuries. I simply skipped some of the Soviet literature that was being published at that time, and Russian foreign literature was inaccessible. This is on the one hand. On the other hand, there was a feeling that there was a large beautiful landscape next to us, but there was no way to see it, it was blocked here and there by fences. After Solzhenitsyn's stories, the fences seem to have fallen, and the full Russian landscape has opened up: the literary tradition is alive.
- But did you meet Alexander Isaevich, judging by your age, later?
Much later. The first meeting was in 1996. Then he came to St. Petersburg with Natalia Dmitrievna, spoke at the Russian National Library, and I helped make this trip happen. Then there were infrequent telephone conversations, A.I. donated new books. But the main thing for me was ahead. Time passed after Solzhenitsyn's return to Russia, The Gulag Archipelago was published in his homeland, but, as promised in the first edition, the names of Solzhenitsyn's assistants, witnesses of camp horrors, were not named. But the "Gulag Archipelago" was perceived as a book in which you can find information about the dead and missing during the repression. The idea of compiling a name index to the book turned out to be natural. Enthusiasts, and above all, the bibliographer Nadezhda Grigorievna Levitskaya, created an index. Alexander Isaevich and Natalia Dmitrievna suggested that I edit and prepare it for inclusion in the book.
How long did this work take?
The offer came in 2005, for me it was a huge honor and task. I decided right away, but then I searched for a form for submitting certificates for a long time and worked. When I had prepared the first two letters, I took it to Alexander Isaevich for evaluation. He took the form of an index, answered questions, said: "Complete, and we will publish." In 2007, for the first time, Archipelago was published with a name index. A very important milestone in my life, because I am engaged in the Books of Memory of the Repressed, and the Gulag Archipelago is, one might say, the mother of such books.
- That is, in this index are the names of everyone with whom Solzhenitsyn was brought together by fate in the Gulag?
Information about everyone who is mentioned in the book - prisoners, executioners and people who were not included in these categories - about each little by little. I am not a memoirist, of course, but I will say that working with an author like Solzhenitsyn is a great pleasure. His sharp mind, irony, instant reaction to some proposals were remembered forever.
- "The Gulag Archipelago" is an epic. The subtitle was given by the author himself - "The experience of artistic research." I talked on this subject with Alexander Isaevich, and I myself thought a lot, because when I was preparing a name index, I inevitably encountered inaccuracies. But my position was that the Gulag Archipelago is a literary monument, it has already taken shape, it came to readers in this form. Some obvious inaccuracies can be corrected, but the integrity of the text must be preserved. Solzhenitsyn, in response, told how the work on the book was going on, how the book was hidden from place to place, how corrections were made. There are no open sources, at least archival ones, there are no official Soviet books, there are memoirs of one's own and other witnesses. Solzhenitsyn was not embarrassed by a number of differences between nominal indexes and what is in the book: "An index is an index, it was made much later and can clarify the text."
The Gulag Archipelago is a legend about horror. Yes, the figures in it are overestimated, as always happens in the epic, legend, but at the same time this is true. Very close to the concept of "people's truth". Here Solzhenitsyn says that the entire population of the Gulag was the size of an average European state. And, of course, someone will joyfully begin to argue today that this is not true, that not five, not three million people were imprisoned, but one, that if we look at how many prisoners were in the Gulag on January 1 of such and such a year, then nothing what comparison with Greece or Sweden is out of the question ... And if we consider all types of captivity in such and such a year ?! "The Gulag Archipelago" is a common term for terrible bondage, it's not just a concentration camp. Then, perhaps, Greece will not be enough... Despite missing the mark in a number of digital assessments (and where is the point? We do not know the exact population losses either in wars or in repressions), the "Archipelago" turned out to be like an artistic comprehension, like a whole picture correct. As true as the fact that millions were repressed. And this is the most important...
As for the latest literature on repressions, A.I. not only knew about it perfectly, but also took part in its publication. He himself compiled a collection of memoirs “Having Lived in the Gulag” (2001), wrote a preface to the seven-volume collection of documents “The History of the Stalinist Gulag” (2004).
Solzhenitsyn's name today is perceived by us primarily in connection with the "Archipelago", and his relationship with the Soviet authorities is also mainly evaluated. But, if we recall his famous speech in the State Duma, it begins to seem that the image of Solzhenitsyn is being simplified even in our time.
In my opinion, the most important thing is that Solzhenitsyn is in demand now, and everyone decides for himself what to give priority to in his work. Once I was invited to the regional library on Vasilievsky Island for the anniversary of the publication of The Archipelago. There, as always at anniversaries, Solzhenitsyn's books were displayed in the windows. And the librarians asked me not to pay attention to the fact that there were so few books - all the rest were sorted. It was quite a long time ago, but that's what made it interesting. Or here is a case: the editor of the Vremya publishing house, which is releasing the collected works of Solzhenitsyn, once spoke. And she said that in a difficult time for book publishing, they largely survived precisely thanks to the demand for Solzhenitsyn's books.
Someone stubbornly makes a claim to Solzhenitsyn that, they say, none of his words have come into general use. And “How can we equip Russia”? As he said, so everyone says. It was he who defined the "oligarchic" mechanism, which began to take shape in politics. Then the definition seemed strange, but it is still part of our existence.
Five years since Solzhenitsyn left, 95 years since his birth, 40 years since the Gulag Archipelago was first published. All events are unforgettable.
Photo from the NV archive
Please tell us about the idea of building an Orthodox church in Levashov. Whose idea is this? How did it come about? At what stage of development is it currently?
Andrei Razumov: That is, the church at the Levashov Memorial Cemetery, where, according to official information, about 50, or according to the lowest estimates, about 20,000 executed citizens are buried.
I think that the idea arose as soon as the cemetery was recognized and opened. Then Aleksey Grigoryevich Lelyakov and Lyudmila Alexandrovna Hangu in the project of the Levashov memorial formalized the same idea - to build a chapel. But this part of the original project, and many others, for example, a wall with names, a majestic many-meter cross of a simple form, are gone, have not been implemented. As far as I remember, the city simply did not have the money to implement the project. In 1996, under the leadership of Ivan Grigoryevich Uralov and with the participation of Lelyakov, the design of the cemetery was completed, already according to a modified project. And the idea lived on. Those who came to the cemetery wanted to see a chapel there. A chapel, a temple - it doesn't matter. In the first and third editions of the Levashov Memorial Cemetery brochure (1999, 2006), we placed a line in a series of quotations from the Visitors' Book: "The Temple is not enough." Probably the most concise expression of this idea.
For several years now, All Saints' Day has been celebrated in Levashov on the first Sunday of February. A large trip, as a rule, from several parishes, many pilgrims, youth, children, worship is held by several priests. People happen these days - comparable to October 30, the Day of Remembrance for Victims of Political Repressions. Those gathered commemorate all the dead and also say: there is not enough church in this place. So naturally, only in a new guise, the idea came to put a chapel, a temple in Levashov.
Of course, the main character in modern times is Archpriest Vladimir Sorokin, rector of the Prince Vladimir Cathedral. As a compiler of the Orthodox Diocesan Synod, as well as the multi-confessional "St. Petersburg Martyrology", he always lived by this idea, because only the Orthodox in Levashov can be buried about two thousand priests, monastics and church activists, not to mention the number of Orthodox in general. The future temple Vladimir imagined something unusual, special - like the Temple of the Heart, the Temple of the Memory of the Heart, because the executioners hit on the most reverent and dear: the heart, the heart of the people. It would be better for him to tell about it himself, he is ready to tell everyone. We have been on good friendly terms for a long time, I always invite Fr. Vladimir at the presentation of volumes of the Leningrad Martyrology, he comes, speaks, and, of course, shared his idea.
But one thing is an idea, another thing is how to implement it. It is clear that it is impossible to start anything pompous or overpressing in Levashov. There must be something comparable. Architects later found such a definition, I thought it was something proportionate. Well, I don’t remember exactly, but when they began to think about how to implement the idea, what options and proposals could be, it seems that Father Vladimir was the first to suggest finding architects who should be close to their hearts, in life. I remembered a few. This is Kira Konstantinovna Litovchenko, whom I have known for a very long time. Her aunt, Kira Obolenskaya, was shot by the Leningrad Troika and canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church. Kira Konstantinovna worked a lot in the field of restoration of church buildings. This is Tatyana Nikolaevna Oznobishina. Grandfather Tatiana Nikolaevna Vladimir Oznobishin was a colonel of the Preobrazhensky regiment. After the revolution, he was arrested twice - exiled, put in a camp. The third time he was arrested, already in the city of Petushki, then the Moscow region, and, in the end, he was shot at the Butovo NKVD training ground. But we also included his name in our Martyrology - as a Leningrader, a Petersburger. I also remembered Tatyana Nikolaevna Miloradovich, because according to her project, a monument to Ingrian Finns was erected in Levashov. Oznobishina and Litovchenko took our proposal very seriously and began to think about the project.
We thought whether a direct architectural embodiment of the idea of the Temple of the Heart, the Temple of the Memory of the Heart, is possible. Then they began to think about the temple-chapel of the New Martyrs at the Feodorovsky Cathedral. When the restoration is completed and the cathedral will be opened, what about the chapel? The construction is temporary, but its touching appearance, invented by the architect Georgy Vasilyev, was imprinted in the minds of the city residents. The chapel is known, it can be found on the Internet and even in the brochure published by Memorial and dedicated to the monuments to the repressed.
The idea turned out to be close, first of all, to the members of the church-chapel community. Many of them have been visiting the Levashov Memorial Cemetery for a long time. Once, when they saw me coming and taking care of the monuments in Levashov, they asked: “Can we help you?” Now we go every spring. In two or three hours we wash all the monuments.
I went specifically to the chapel, went to the Levashov Memorial Cemetery. I tried to imagine the chapel in a new place. Yes, it seems appropriate and proportionate. And the architects traveled here and there. We looked at the chapel from the outside, looked at the interior and thought about where exactly this could be appropriate in Levashov.
On August 2 last year, pilgrims arrived in St. Petersburg with a procession from the Church of the New Martyrs from Butovo near Moscow, the same burial ground of the NKVD as Levashovo. With the rector of the Butovo Church, Fr. I know Cyril Kaleda well from the time when archaeological research was carried out in Butovo with the blessing of Patriarch Alexy. large group Moscow pilgrims and St. Petersburg pilgrims from the Prince Vladimir Cathedral and the Church of St. John the Evangelist (the historical courtyard of the Leushinsky Monastery) visited Levashovo. They also discussed the idea of building a temple-chapel. On the way back we stopped at the Feodorovsky Cathedral, in the temple-chapel of the New Martyrs, the rector, Fr. Alexander Sorokin and community member. There was a shared meal. The pilgrims have just seen Levashovo, and now here is the chapel. And they came to an agreement: yes, probably, it would be good both in proportion (commonness), and, in fact, for several years the temple-chapel directly serves the memory of the new martyrs.
After this trip, the professional work of architects began. It is impossible to transfer the chapel directly, it was created from temporary materials. But it is possible to recreate in an updated form. It is possible to add a basement and arrange in it a hall for general civil purposes, a hall of the Memory of the Heart. Tatyana Nikolaevna Oznobishina took over the design. And the project turned out.
When we thought about where exactly to put the temple-chapel in Levashov, we walked for a very long time and looked closely. We went over the options: somewhere on the way to the cemetery? at the entrance? right next to the cemetery? And on the territory, too, looked after a few. They asked for a place on the left side of the central path of the cemetery, behind the shed-hangar, where there is a bright meadow, an open space. But then the location of the altar and the entrance would be inconvenient for visitors. And, in the end - surprisingly enough - we stopped almost at the place that was once determined for the chapel according to the original design of the memorial. The place was really well thought out. On the left side of the central path there is a slight decrease in relief, and on the right side, on the contrary, the relief slightly rises.
Where is the belfry now?
Andrei Razumov: Where the belfry stands, to the right of the belfry. We walked around, looked - there is also a natural glade, not very big. But after all, the chapel near the Feodorovsky Cathedral is small - 12 meters by 12 meters.
And here's another thing that was very important to us. We followed the thought adopted at the very first discussions about the future of the Levashovsky cemetery. Then the architects and artists, led by Felix Romanovsky, decided that it was necessary, if possible, to preserve everything as it is, the landscape, first of all. Save the landscape, and only somehow develop it a little. And we accept this, which is why almost all trees will be preserved around the temple-chapel, with the exception of a few. Pine, birch and, of course, all mountain ash and apple trees are preserved in the clearing between the belfry and the administration building (cemetery museum). The temple will stand in the trees, open towards the belfry. In height, it turns out to be about 27 meters, very proportionate.
During the preliminary design, it was possible to solve very difficult task: to slightly change the size and appearance of the temple-chapel, but fully convey the general impression of it. By adding a basement, we slightly raise the temple, hence the overall proportional change in size. During the construction, other, more reliable materials will be used, for example, brick instead of foam concrete blocks. And it also slightly resizes. And the interior, the praying part of the temple, is practically transferred. It was important to fit it into the updated form. And it succeeded.
I showed computer pictures of the future temple-chapel during excursions that I recently conducted in Levashov: for the Moscow Youth Film School, before their trip to Solovki, for pilgrims from Arkhangelsk, led by Fr. John Privalov. We walk around the cemetery, and then show the pictures. They say: "It's amazing, as if the temple stood here."
Even a year and a half or two years ago, it was difficult for me to imagine how to find a good, successful solution that would not contradict anything in Levashov. I think it has been found.
Will it also have the status of a chapel?
Temple-chapel. Just like the old place.
That is, it will not be a functioning temple, but a chapel? In the status of a chapel?
We are talking about the reconstruction of the temple-chapel in Levashov. And it will serve the same way. With some peculiarities, in relation to Levashov.
Are there no graves in this place?
Of course not. Indeed, before Lelyakov and Hangu undertook the project for the improvement of Levashov, the cemetery was investigated, examined by the GRII Trust and the VSEGEI group for burials. Also known and published a long time ago is the primitive "Scheme of a dacha with the term and number of burials", created in the 1960s. Burials begin further. Although during the work, the removal of the soil and the survey of the site are required. So it was in Butovo, when a wooden temple was erected on the territory of the former burial ground. In Butovo, the proposed site was moved away when it turned out that there was a firing ditch nearby.
Do you have documents of these studies?
Andrei Razumov: Not all of them, but some of them are. And we even applied them to the project. Let's say, cuts of pits. And the scheme drawn up by VSEGEI, signed by the head of this group, Alexander Nikolayevich Oleinikov.
What is the status of the territory? Does she belong to the city? What is the status of Levashovskaya Pustosh now?
Levashovskaya Wasteland is a name coined by journalists. Since 1989, since the opening, this is the Levashov Memorial Cemetery. The cemetery is subordinate to the State Unitary Enterprise of the Republic of Uzbekistan - the State Unitary Enterprise "Ritual Services". For a long time, the issue of transforming the cemetery into an independent one has been worked out and discussed. government agency, like the Piskarevsky cemetery, but to change the status, it is necessary to amend the law on municipalities. And it's very difficult. So for now, everything stays the same. Hence - the minimum feeble financing of this cemetery, it is not active. But the level of well-groomedness of the cemetery makes a strong impression.
How does the city feel about your idea of building a church?
AND I. Razumov: Last year, the State Unitary Enterprise Ritual Services newspaper published an article that there would be such a chapel in this cemetery. For us, it was still an indefinite and unresolved issue, we were still thinking about the project of the temple. That is, they were quite well received. From everyone who knows about it, I have not heard anything bad. Partiarch Kirill, when visiting the Prince Vladimir Cathedral on Easter last year, blessed Fr. Vladimir Sorokin personally take care of the construction. At a meeting of the St. Petersburg Commission for the Restoration of Victims of Political Repressions, I reported this. Members of the Public Council of the Book of Memory "Leningrad Martyrology" and a member of the Commission, Lyutsia Alexandrovna Bartashevich and Sergei Dmitrievich Khakhaev, fully accepted the idea. The idea of recreating the temple-chapel was approved, as far as I know, by the Board of Trustees of the Feodorovsky Cathedral. The draft design was approved by Metropolitan Vladimir. He also appealed to the governor on the issue of allotment of land for a temple-chapel. The governor responded favorably, recommended submitting documents in the prescribed manner. Which is what we did. An account has been opened, money for design and construction is collected by the whole society: by transfers, or in a special mug in the Prince Vladimir Cathedral.
The belfry, I think, we will restore to its original form. About two years ago it was changed, because. For 15 years, the wooden supports have completely dilapidated. But when replacing, they greatly lowered it - by 2.5 meters. But the former belfry was like a symbol for Levashov. It will be quite easy to restore it, it is clearly visible in all details in numerous photographs. Of course, in its former form, it is commensurate with the future temple-chapel. And the bells will be added.
There are monuments of many denominations. If they also want to put up their religious buildings, what will happen?
Andrei Razumov: We are building the chapel we dreamed about and wanted to build.
In ancient times, I had to endure disputes about Levashov, up to heart attacks, with representatives and officials, and, oddly enough, public organizations. Initially, he advocated that initiatives for the installation of monuments, arising from the heart, be implemented in Levashov. Whether it is individual monuments or confessional, compatriot, group. Personally supported everything that was put there. Each monument was photographed for new editions of the Levashov Memorial Cemetery brochure and for volumes of the Leningrad Martyrology. We have an amazing place. At the Levashovsky Memorial Cemetery, no one pushed, did not interfere with each other and did not contradict. It so happened. Since I myself have something to do with this, I never cease to rejoice. I think the move was found right.
That's what I say when I travel. When people stepped into the cemetery for the first time, on days open to mass visits, they entered a dark and gloomy forest, a path overgrown with grass led to the creepy center of a creepy place... They walked with fear. But the very first visitors brought with them some notes, ribbons, photographs. They slowly walked to the center and began to place what they had brought on the trees, where their hearts would tell them. And so the appearance of this cemetery began to take shape. Before the authorities or the architects and artists vested with power decided to try to give the burial ground of the NKVD-MGB a different sound with modern architectural and artistic forms. They had to take into account the already existing, social. A year or two passed after the opening of the cemetery, it became clear that the official project of the memorial somehow exists, but is not being implemented, nothing is being erected. And I thought that we need to somehow strengthen the position of individual monuments. We need to figure out how to keep them here, so that everything will continue to develop calmly and freely. What to do? Maybe try to put up a group monument from the Public Library where I work? We have twenty people shot. I was the editor of the wall newspaper of the library, promoted Levashovo, came up with and drew a sketch, and even convinced the director of the library, Vladimir Nikolaevich Zaitsev, that we should put up a monument. The issue was resolved, but something was confusing internally, some kind of formal side of the idea. At every enterprise, in every institution there are dead, shot, one can imagine the whole variety of enterprises and institutions that could put up such monuments ... Then, I think, it is necessary that the idea be more informal, closer to the heart, to human feelings. And I come from Belarus and went to the community, the Belarusian partnership. Let me suggest that they put up a Belarusian monument, so that it is perceived in any way: both to the dead Belarusians and the inhabitants of Belarus, and from Belarus to all the dead ... And the appearance of the monument? Probably simple, it is unlikely that anyone will interfere with the cross of Euphrosyne of Polotsk, it is also known in form as Lorraine, at that time it was on state emblem Belarus - let this cross be. I drew it in the proportions that I imagined, took the sketch to the carpentry, and the peasants said: “Yes, let's do it. Is oak okay?" Will do. And they did it in the fall of 1991. After we did, we gathered money in the Belarusian partnership. Before winter, we did not dare to put it up, and before spring Lithuanians also joined us, we communicated friendly with the Lithuanian community, we decided that it would be a Belarusian-Lithuanian monument.
When they were choosing a place for it, Dmitry Ivanovich Bogomolov, the initiator of the competition and the author of one of the projects for the main monument to the victims of repression, was still living on Troitskaya Square. That's really who cares about Levashov. If not for such enthusiasts in the early years, I think that the fence, perhaps, would have collapsed. I told Dmitry Ivanovich about the idea, and he was completely fired up. But, wanting all this to have a huge effect, he decided that the monument should be in a conspicuous place: “Let's then put the Belarusian-Lithuanian cross in front of the forest. And then others will put the monuments in one row.” Approximately where the belfry is now, where a wall with names was supposed to be. We didn't want to put it this way, it was hard to resist, but still we could not pass a single instance without approval, and this was both the Administration of St. Petersburg and the architects-authors of the project. Hangu went with us to Levashovo, a wonderful architect. We walked around the cemetery, looked. And she says: “No one would forbid us all to erect a monument here, but this is some kind of artificial idea. And look how many natural sites are in the cemetery. Well, find yourself one. Let these Belarusians look for it.” Soon there was a delegation from Belarus. We walked and walked again, and when we turned left from the central platform and reached the clearing, which has now become a clearing of monuments, the correspondent of the Belarusian television suddenly stopped on the path and said: “Look, there are five birches. Against their background, let the Belarusian monument become.” There were no disputes. On May 8, 1992, the opening and consecration took place. We invited an Orthodox priest, a Catholic and a rabbi. The rabbi asked him to be the first, because otherwise he was not allowed according to the rules. Everything came together, and everything took place in peace. So it was opened on May 8, 1992, the first land-confessional monument.
Cemetery worker Aleksey Volchenkov, a witness of the construction of the Levashov fence in 1937, on the day before the opening and consecration, placed a homemade Orthodox cross-stuffed cabbage in the center of the cemetery.
And from that time on, all issues in Levashov were resolved by agreement. A year later, a Russian Orthodox and Polish monument was opened in the center of the cemetery, because both projects were born at the same time and the authors of the projects agreed, two wonderful people- Dmitry Ivanovich Bogomolov from the Memorial Society and Leon Leonovich Piskorsky from the Polonia Society.
Leon Leonovich said: “We cannot put up our Polish monument earlier, it will not look good if it rises before the Orthodox one. Let's move in parallel." They began to think. Dmitry Ivanovich found a stone, hewed out a cross, he painted the icon himself. And Polonia collected money both here and in Poland. Collected money for a stone and a cross. Piskorsky says: “There must be a single composition. Center, Calvary - there will be an Orthodox cross and your Russian stone, and our simple Catholic cross will be somewhat inclined towards Calvary. We will open and consecrate at the same time.” And so it happened on October 30, 1993, the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Political Repressions. On the eve of the national Polish Memorial Day.
It is always a touching day in Levashov. After the memorial service, the Poles walk around all the monuments in a religious procession - this is very captivating, very cool. Like the words reproduced on the Polish monument. They are not identically translated into Russian as "We forgive and forgive us." Literally: "We forgive and ask for forgiveness." These are the words from a message in honor of the 20th anniversary of the end of the war to German priests. The Poles knew what to write in Levashov. And there is Katyn, and all our problems - in this place, in Levashov, we forgive and ask for forgiveness. It would seem that one of the most difficult and dramatic moments. And how did he decide in Levashov? Consent.
And subsequent monuments were also erected: Ingrian Finnish, Jewish, German, Pskov, Norwegian, Vologda (to the inhabitants of the Goritsky monastery), Estonian, Assyrian, Ukrainian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Italian, executed power engineers, shot deaf and dumb ... Now all the monuments are perceived naturally . But there were cases when someone experienced or even showed wariness towards one or another of them.
I think that at one time we did not go through the authorities in vain, with great benefit. After all, we had to learn how to convince, overcome fears, which, as a rule, are realized in objections of this kind: But won’t such a monument interfere with this or that? But won't so-and-so go to put up monuments then? Objections well known since Soviet times.
But as long as the fear is alive, the thoughts generated by it are reproduced. Once I was invited to Paris to participate in a seminar dedicated to the memorialization of places of mass executions. The French presented a story about the well-known Oradour village (Oradour-sur-Glan) burned during the war and a few more memorials. From Russia, a representative of the Butovo training ground was invited to tell a story about Butov, and I was invited to talk about Levashov. Levashovo made a much stronger impression on the audience in terms of design and implementation of the idea. During the discussion, a Moscow researcher, a historian I know well, who has books on repressions, asked a “problematic” question: “You say that a variety of individual monuments are erected in Levashov. And the regulation? Are there any rules? Who allows? After all, criminals were also shot. Or maybe the criminals will want to erect monuments to themselves there. And what will you do then?" The historian practically reproduced the objection of those veterans of the special services who initially frightened: “Well, how can monuments be erected there? And you know that there are also the executed besieged cannibals…” I answered my colleague that I do not refuse the priority of “allowing” over “forbidding”. Look at Levashov's monuments. They are all, as they say, good. I do not know that someone wanted to erect a monument to the "criminals".
Levashov has other problems. The regulations of the cemetery have been discussed many times, there is a Regulation on the cemetery, there is a certain order. For example, the installation of each confessional or group monument must be coordinated at the level of the city administration, similar to how his Belarusian-Lithuanian monument passed. Individual monuments are erected in agreement with the cemetery administration.
From the most serious: many relatives of those who were shot sought the right to be “buried” there too. The issue was discussed in the St. Petersburg Commission for Rehabilitation. Everyone who could, and personally I was against it. But it is important how to convince people, dissuade them and not upset them. We explained many times that, firstly, the cemetery is a memorial one, there are no modern graves. Secondly, it is impossible to say for sure about a single shot person that he was buried in a specific mass grave. If you are trying to bury dust to dust, then this is not accurate, this is not true. Levashovo became a symbolic place of memory for all those who were shot. And not only those who were shot, but those who died in the Gulag.
A lot of other problems, before heart attacks, were discussed when we ourselves discussed Levashov's regulations. I remember that I was greatly surprised by the proposal to remove all individual monuments and place them on boards along the fence of the cemetery, so that visitors could walk along the former dog guard path and look at them. Someone objected to the so-called “group” monuments (they discussed the idea of a monument to the deaf and dumb): “A pretty deal? Today they are deaf and dumb, tomorrow they are legless, and then the armless will want to bet ... ". The objection is strange: the Society of the Deaf and Dumb was exterminated in 1937. And the descendants of the dead want to erect a monument in Levashov, the officially recognized burial place of the executed. How can this be prevented. Why should this be questionable? And where to put a monument to them? Yes, deaf-mutes, yes, they were shot. If all the legless were shot, they would have erected a monument to themselves. Who bothers? The reasoning satisfied the participants of the Paris seminar.
Have you thought that the chapel there should be ecumenical?
Andrei Razumov: This was thought about when the Levashovskaya Pustosh Foundation named after Bogomolov and its projects were in existence. This idea was discussed at one time, I do not remember the author. Like many head ideas, it has not been implemented, no one has proposed any such form that would satisfy everyone, and this could be done. The idea is gone. But the idea of an ordinary Orthodox chapel lived on. For several years, an off-site meeting of the Rehabilitation Commission was held, discussing the possibility of putting up a new wooden house for the cemetery administration, and giving the existing one to the museum. And then someone suggested building a chapel at least in this new house or in the annex. Not ecumenical, Orthodox. Because most of the people who wanted to see a chapel in Levashov had in mind an ordinary Orthodox chapel.
In Levashov, everything arises not artificially, but as it arises.
So, Vologda residents will soon put up their monument. And there will be a monument to all Catholics of all nationalities. The Germans have recently renovated their monument, they put a beautiful stone at the foot.
And some monuments have not yet been erected.
There was simply no motor, no person who would undertake to bring it to the end.
Andrei Razumov: Of course. But it may not have been found by chance. My colleagues often ask me the same questions that you ask me. Why is this and why not this? Maybe the idea has not matured, no one has addressed it. Maybe the right string doesn't sound so painful. Inventing something artificially, especially for everyone and for everyone, is absolutely not the right move, it seems to me.
But the paths are open. And something close came up.
At the entrance inside the cemetery, there are four flagpoles on the right side. First one appeared, then the second, now four. They were put by the director of the cemetery Valery Anatolyevich Artemenko. Well done. Three flags - it was clear which ones to raise: Russia, St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region. The fourth flag was presented by Novgorodians. The flags are raised on the days of solemn visits to the cemetery. We are thinking of continuing a number of flagpoles here, let the flags represent the lands that were part of the Leningrad region, from where they were taken to execution - Vologda, Pskov, Murmansk, Novgorod. Maybe also Karelia, because in 1937 Karelia was under the operational control of the Leningrad NKVD, and a lot of Karelian people lie here. Maybe Tverskaya too - there are a lot of people from Tverskaya.
Once I proposed to make in Levashov a common monument of the five northwestern lands that surrounded the Leningrad region. Perhaps the idea was quite artificial. The administrations began to think: who will invest what share, how to make this monument, but we better do it ourselves ... As a result, it did not take place. The people of Pskov have their own modest cross, which they would like to replace with a more majestic monument. Novgorodians erected their monument. Vologda will put. Others may not be. But we will put up flagpoles.
The idea is that the flags correspond to both the lands of Russia and the monuments. Let not all the monuments exist, but we dreamed that they would appear.
And then, on the left side of the central path, we began to put flagpoles corresponding to the national-confessional monuments in Levashov. The Latvian flagpole was installed, the Latvian flag was presented by the consulate. The Lithuanian consulate presented the Lithuanian flag, the Assyrian society - the flag of the Assyrian diaspora ... So the flagpoles will stretch on the left side. Here we put a fragment of the old fence, which is updated, like the belfry. The old fence is also not original, but it is a fragment of the fence at which people entered here for the first time. Let them see that the new one is about the same.
And a large bright clearing to the left of the path could serve for the development of a non-confessional part of the cemetery, if such ideas arise. For God's sake. Who would interfere?
Once upon a time there was a road and passage towards the existing car park. The parking lot was created for the design of the cemetery in 1996, and it remained abandoned. If something develops in this part, it would be possible to re-lay the road and open the second entrance, fortunately, when updating the fence, gates identical to the current ones were made. Stored in reserve.
Our Levashovo is a place warmed by memory. Very idiosyncratic. It's the way it's been and is being. They are also interested in the design or additional design of other memorials, such as Butovo near Moscow, Sandarmokh in Karelia, Dubovka near Voronezh ...
Let me return to the temple we talked about at the beginning of the interview. Here is a letter from Moscow from a colleague and comrade-in-arms - the compiler of the eight-volume Book of Memory "Butovskaya Polygon" Lidia Alekseevna Golovkova: “I received pictures. The temple fits very well into the landscape. In general, he is successful. Both in tradition and obviously modern, there is something aching in these narrow windows, some kind of sharpness is catchy. Lidia Alekseevna is an artist by profession. Dear to hear.
“From the unknown to the famous, whom years are not free to slay, there are twenty million of us unforgotten, killed, who did not return from the war,” Rasul Gamzatov wrote in his famous poem. Today, search engines, and even simple enthusiasts, are trying to restore justice - to find the dead and missing during the years of war and repression and preserve their memory for future generations. Among them is Anatoly Razumov, chief librarian and head of the Returned Names Center at the Russian National Library (formerly the Public Library). He told our correspondent about his activities.
First steps
Good afternoon, Anatoly Yakovlevich. It is a great honor for me to talk with a person like you. What your team is doing is very important both for the participants in those events and for us, the current generations. And tell me, how did the idea to search for the names of the repressed come about?
The idea arose around the end of the 1980s, when the government decree allowed the publication of the names of the repressed in the press. Just at that time, the first publications about the period of repression began to appear. At that time I was one of the compilers of the Pages of History collections in Lenizdat. Collections have been prepared and published since 1988. The names of those shot in our city began to be published in January 1990 by the newspaper Vecherniy Leningrad (which soon became Vecherniy Petersburg). I realized that I needed to collect the names in a book and started looking for additional materials. He argued that the library can search for data.
- And how did you prove it?
Communicated with the families of the repressed, collected information about their dead or missing relatives. He entered all the information into a card file, published the names of the repressed in a certain order - according to their places of birth. I wanted as many people as possible to know about them in different cities: in Pskov, Novgorod, Vologda, Murmansk, Tver, Tallinn, Kiev, Minsk and others. In response, I received letters, photographs, stories from relatives who responded. This is how the Book of Memory began to take shape. In 1991, I got the opportunity to work with documents on repressions in the archives of the State Security. Approximately in 1993, the manuscript of the first volume of the Book of Memory "Leningrad Martyrology" about those executed in Leningrad in August-September 1937 was prepared. This volume was published in 1995. The head of our city, Anatoly Sobchak, attended the presentation of the volume in the library and handed the first copies to the relatives of the victims.
pages of memory
- Anatoly Yakovlevich, tell us what your center is doing now?
We are preparing for publication the volume of the Book of Memory "Leningrad Martyrology" and are working on the website "Returned Names". The book includes the names of the repressed. The site is dedicated to a broader topic: the names of the dead, missing and victims of repressions and wars, as well as during the siege of Leningrad, are published here. People often turn to us for help in finding information. We provide them with information that has already been found in archival documents, or give advice on where to “knock” to get information from their relatives. This is the main business, to which all our efforts are directed and which we are constantly tirelessly engaged in.
- How many names are already included in the Book of Memory?
Twelve volumes commemorate more than 51,000 repressed: those who were shot, ended up in camps, deported from Leningrad and the region. The thirteenth volume is a summary index of names for the twelve volumes. The Book is stored in the “public” and given to the families of the victims, researchers, as well as to archives and museums.
- And what is included in the Book of Memory besides names?
Memoirs of relatives and friends of the repressed, biographical information, written by researchers, documentary comments and, of course, photographs: family and prison.
In order to prepare at least one part of such a book, it is necessary to do a lot of work. Did someone help you in publishing the Book of Memory?
The Russian National Library prepares and publishes the Book of Memory. The Committee on Social Policy of St. Petersburg, the Prince Vladimir Cathedral and many, many authors of materials help us. Many people are working on the Book, and we are all rightfully considered its authors.
- The book of memory is published in two formats: printed and electronic. Tell me how they differ?
To date, the printed project has 17 volumes. The thirteenth volume we have already published, the fourteenth is in the works. There is an electronic version - this is the site “Returned Names. Books of memory of Russia ”of the Center at the National Library of Russia. The electronic version can be corrected, supplemented with new information. This is the advantage of the site over the printed book: the book has been published, and it will always exist in this form. But already after the book reaches the reader, relatives of the repressed and researchers come to us or call and write. We check the information and make corrections.
In the process of work, you get acquainted with a large number of human destinies. Which story impressed you the most?
Lots of amazing stories. At the presentation of the 12th and 13th volumes of the Leningrad Martyrology, artist Alexander Traugot spoke about his colleague, architect and artist Boris Kreutser, who was sentenced to death in 1938. He was taken out to be shot, but they did not shoot him - they sent him to the camps. He survived, told the prosecutor's office everything he remembered about interrogations and prisons. According to his stories, it became more clear how the interrogation protocols were formed and where exactly the sentenced were transferred before being shot. Despite the trials experienced, Boris Genrikhovich returned to his beloved work. Kreutzer is a master of book design, theatrical productions. His works are in the Tretyakov Gallery. And how many such talents have been villainously ruined!
- Are you trying to find information about your relatives? Are the names of your relatives included in the Book of Memory?
I am looking for traces of my paternal grandmother's brother who was repressed and then fought. So far, little is known about his fate. Hope for archives and colleagues.
There, the cross to the cross bowed down
- Do you have any other publications from your Center?
We are preparing and publishing the book "Levashov Memorial Cemetery" - about the largest execution burial ground Soviet Union. The book went through four editions and has been translated into several languages. We also collect all the Books of Memory of the Victims of Repression - for Russia, the Near Abroad and Poland. We are preparing a general index of Books of Memory. This work is enough.
By the way, about the Levashovsky memorial cemetery. As far as I know, you are one of the trustees of this place. Tell us how it was created?
When a quarter of a century ago, the execution burial ground became the Levashovsky memorial cemetery, the townspeople began to visit it. They tied ribbons on trees, brought photographs and plaques with the names of the dead. I wanted to keep everything that ordinary people did in this place. Thus, the idea of creating socially significant monuments was born. We have come a long way of coordination in order to erect and consecrate the first such monument on May 8, 1992 - the Belarusian-Lithuanian one, in the form of the cross of Euphrosyne of Polotsk.
Further, it was decided to install Russian and Polish monuments. In this I was supported not only by the Belarusian and Lithuanian communities, but also by architects. The authors of the monuments were Dmitry Ivanovich Bogomolov and Leon Leonovich Piskorsky. Leon Leonovich said: “We will not put a Polish one in front of the Russian monument. Let's go at the same time. Let the Russian one stand in the center on Calvary, and the Polish one - the inclined Catholic cross - will be next to the Calvary, as a whole. Because this is one repression for all.” So in 1993, Russian Orthodox and Polish Catholic monuments were installed and consecrated in the center of the cemetery.
Last year, the Returned Names center erected a monument to the generals, officers and lower ranks of the Russian imperial army and navy, who survived the First World War, the Civil War, the revolution and lived up to the Great Terror. They were shot as tsarist military men who were registered with the NKVD. Monuments to Orthodox brotherhoods and Orthodox priests will soon be erected.
Levashovskoye cemetery makes a strong impression. Pilgrims from France have recently arrived. And not the descendants of emigrants, not relatives of those killed in these places, but ordinary Frenchmen. Man fifty. I took them around the cemetery, told them about the executed, who were secretly brought here and buried in large pits. A memorial service for the dead was held in the center of the cemetery: the French sang along with the priest in Russian, then in French. The leader of the French community embraced the Orthodox cross and stood for a long time, leaning his head against it. This has never happened before in Levashov.
“The hardest part is communication…”
However, your main job is to search for the names of the dead and missing during the years of war and repression. How are names searched?
Initially, I studied documents related to executions from 1918 to 1941. Therefore, all the names of those executed or to be executed, but for some reason not executed, are already known. Another thing is important - to find witnesses who have information about those times, relatives or friends of the victims. As a rule, they come themselves, knowing what our Center is doing. I rarely purposefully look for relatives of the dead, because not everyone is ready to tell about their families. Many are simply afraid. Nevertheless, we receive quite a lot of materials. They are enough to create a book.
One of the working files in the computer is called "Wait for me." This is no coincidence. It is a great happiness when you manage to connect relatives who have known nothing about each other for decades. However, most often we simply give more accurate information about the fate, death and burial place of the missing relatives.
It must be that searching for names, compiling lists, processing them, communicating with relatives takes a lot of time. Probably, only a person who is really interested in some business can cope with this. Where does your love for history, for the Motherland, for the people who fought for its well-being come from?
It started back in school years. I was born in Belarus, studied there. The war, with all its horrors, is part of the family memory. Relatives fought both on the side of the mother and on the side of the father. He asked, tried to imagine how it all happened. In addition, my father was a military man, he served in the GSVG (Group of Soviet Forces in Germany). Our family lived in East Germany, in Berlin. I managed to visit the former concentration camps, to see the history from the German side with my own eyes. My music teacher (he was taken to the Second World War from the Conservatory, and his father fought in the First World War) was a good conversationalist. I took a different look at the history of wars: I realized that human and non-human are everywhere. I began to think: why in our history we cannot say anything intelligible about a number of great names - public figures, writers, artists? Why do we know nothing about our concentration camps? Finding answers to these questions was part of my interests. Entered the Faculty of History of the University, graduated from it. As soon as it became possible to do his own thing, he took up it.
In any work, no matter how sweet it may be to the heart, there are "pitfalls". What is the most difficult part of your job?
The most difficult thing is communication with the relatives of the victims. It is difficult for them to remember, it is difficult to speak and write. They have different ideas about the past. Everyone needs to talk. Everyone to hear. This is the most “sick”, but also the most important part of the work. Without it, our activities would not be possible at all: we would not feel that someone needs it.
As you say, memories evoke different emotions in people. How do you manage to cope with these emotions, calm your relatives and find out the necessary information from them?
I never ask myself, I don’t “pull out” information. But I listen, I hear. It is important that they themselves tell or write down what they consider necessary. The stories are then included in the book.
A large number of search teams are working on the territory of the Leningrad Region. Does the Returned Names Center cooperate with them?
Yes, we cooperate. My colleague from Kazan, Mikhail Cherepanov, leads student search teams. His guys work at the places of military operations in the Leningrad region. Cherepanov's search engines are also working in the Kirov region. They come here regularly. Mikhail Valeryevich was the compiler of the Book of Memory of the Repressions in Tatarstan and at the same time was engaged in search work on the war, we have close views. It happens that the search engines themselves (for example, the Shlisselburg detachment) ask for help: they ask to identify the documents found or provide information about the relatives of the dead. Sometimes you can help.
“I would like to call everyone by their names…”
After the names are found, the information is entered in the Book of Memory, do you somehow convey this information to the public? I heard you do name reading ceremonies. Tell us what they are?
In our city, not everyone knows about the Piskarevsky cemetery, not to mention Levashovsky. There are many indifferent people who do not understand the significance of our work. Therefore, we believe that it is necessary to read aloud the names of people who gave their lives for us to live bolder, smarter and freer today.
We read the names from the beginning. The first memorial service at the Levashovsky Memorial Cemetery took place on October 21, 1989. Since we started publishing the Book of Memory, we have been reading the names of the dead at the presentation of each volume. I think it's very important. For the second year, the administration of St. Petersburg includes the ceremony “I would like to name everyone ...” in the plan of city events for the Day of Remembrance of Victims of Political Repressions.
At the ceremony, the shortest information about the deceased or injured is read: last name, first name, patronymic, age, where and by whom he worked, date of execution. Very briefly, less than in a martyrology. One of our goals is to make sure that as many people as possible learn about the past. So that they later pass the memory on to others. There are not as many of us as we would like. But we are being listened to and heard.
Are the participants given special sheets with the names of the repressed? Or those who came can call the names of their relatives and friends?
We issue ready lists: no more than five names on one sheet. However, everyone can name their relatives and friends and talk about them. Eminent guests come to the ceremony: Oleg Basilashvili, Alexander Sokurov, Bella Kurkova, Ulyana Lopatkina, Elizaveta Boyarskaya, Sergey Migitsko and many others.
Photo captions:
1. Solovetsky stone in St. Petersburg.
2. Memorial stone. The first memorial service for the dead. Serve about. Alexander Ranne and deacon Andrey Chizhov. October 21, 1989.
3. Panikhida October 30, 2011. Archpriest Vladimir Sorokin. Children Sunday school at the Prince Vladimir Cathedral, the names of the new martyrs are read.
4. Memorial stone. The first memorial service for the dead. Serve about. Alexander Ranne and deacon Andrey Chizhov. October 21, 1989.
5. Monument to Moloch of totalitarianism at the Levashovsky memorial cemetery.
6. Anatoly Yakovlevich Razumov.
- Anatoly Yakovlevich, how did you manage to establish the exact date of the execution of Nikolai Gumilyov, who was arrested in the Tagantsev case in 1921?
- In the course of many years of studying documents on executions from 1917 to 1954, I found an order to execute those convicted in the Tagantsev case and the final record of the execution of the sentence (The case of the "Petrograd Combat Organization of V.N. Tagantsev" is one of the first cases in Soviet Russia, when representatives of the scientific and creative intelligentsia were subjected to mass execution - note by "Rosbalt"). The order issued on August 24 to the commandant of the Petrograd GubChK (Provincial Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage - note by Rosbalt) Puchkov, contains an order to shoot 58 people. However, we see that there are 59 numbers in the list. Vladimir Tagantsev, who was under the first number, is crossed out. He was shot later. Staff Captain Heinrich Rylke (number 20) was returned back. He was probably taken out of prison along with other arrested people, but at that time he had not yet been sentenced. He was sentenced later. Nikolai Gumilyov (number 31) - shot in the general group.
- On what day were 57 arrested people shot, including Gumilyov?
- They were shot on the night of August 26, 1921, and Tagantsev - on August 28. Previously, the exact date of their death was unknown. It was assumed that those arrested could be executed on the day of the verdict (August 24) or the next day. This assumption turned out to be incorrect. As can be seen from the final entry on the execution of the sentence, the date of execution is August 26.
- Rylke was also sentenced to death?
- Yes, on October 3, but they were executed on October 9 at 7:00. After all, the list that we see does not contain all the names of those executed in the Tagantsev case. There was a second party, it consisted of 44 people. Some of them were related to the Tagantsev case, while others were directly related to the Kronstadt uprising (the armed action of the Kronstadt garrison and the crews of some ships of the Baltic Fleet against the Bolsheviks. - approx. "Rosbalt"). It is assumed that the convicts were shot at 7 o'clock in the morning. This time is repeated in the documents. At night, according to one of the testimonies, at 3:00 am, the condemned were usually taken out by truck from Gorokhovaya Street (at that time Komissarovskaya), where the PetroChK was located, and sent towards the Rzhevsky training ground.
- Is the place of their execution known?
- Probably, it happened not far from the museum-estate of Priyutino. In documents of this kind, the place of execution was almost never indicated.
- Is it possible to find their graves?
- I think it is possible, but a broad search along the Ryabovskoye Highway on the outskirts of the landfill has not yet yielded any results. In the area of the gunpowder cellar of the range, the grave of six unknown persons was found, but who they were and when they were shot is a question. If you look at the diagram of Pavel Luknitsky, compiled from the words of Akhmatova, then we can conclude that the place is located closer to the Priyutino estate. I hope that someday we will find them.
- How many years have you devoted to restoring the date of the execution of those convicted in the Tagantsev case?
- In 1994, the Vecherny Petersburg newspaper published my materials on the Tagantsev case with the names of the convicts. In the article "Gumilyov on the Gumilyov Case" I told how I visited Lev Nikolaevich on January 12, 1991. At that time, I spoke with the sons of two people accused in this case: Lev Gumilyov and Kirill Tagantsev. It turns out that I have been researching this issue for almost 25 years.
- Was the case completely falsified?
- Yes exactly. Undoubtedly, those convicted in this case were smart people and were critical of the cruelty of the authorities. They sympathized with the rebels of Kronstadt and communicated in a circle where freedom-loving ideas sounded. But the fact that these people, many of whom did not even know each other, were united into an entire organization is an absolutely typical manner of creating such falsifications. At the head of such an invented organization they put a sonorous name, for example, Tagantsev. He was the son of a famous opponent of the death penalty in Russia. It was important for the Soviet government that the organization had a big name. There was no real investigation into the case. Judge for yourself: on August 3 Gumilyov was arrested, on the 24th he was sentenced, on the 26th he was shot. What great investigation did they manage to carry out during this time?
- Subsequently, the case became exemplary?
- Yes, exemplary. In the mid-30s, it was even retyped and a duplicate sewn together. Investigators, asking about the acquaintance of the accused with certain people, drew lines of communication. Many honestly answered questions, not assuming that they would be shot. However, people said one thing, but their words were interpreted in a completely different way. Some of the accused did not even get to the investigation. For example, a former officer of the tsarist army, Herman, was killed while crossing the border, and in fact, many accusations were built on his figure in the direction of the organization. This approach was absolutely typical. Some of the organizers of the Tagansky case were later also repressed. This is exactly what the Soviet government did with the Chekist Agranov, who became a big man in the NKVD, but in 1938 he was shot.
How brutal were the executions?
- The cruelest. They did not become so by the time of the Great Terror (the period of the most massive repressions and political persecution in the USSR in 1937-1938 - note by Rosbalt), but were cruel from the very beginning. It must be said that these procedures cannot be characterized only as executions. People were buried alive, and thrown into the mine, and finished off with clubs. There is no doubt that during the Red Terror the Bolsheviks did just that. In Teplyakov's book "Procedure for the Execution of Death Sentences" these details are described. It is based on Siberian materials, but I confirm what was written by the materials of my own participation in the study of a number of places where executions were carried out, including one of the largest burial grounds - the Butovo firing range in Moscow. We have published a research report which makes it clear that capital punishment was often execution by firing squad only on paper.
- Tell us in more detail what you managed to find out during the research at the Butovo test site?
- In order to bury tens of thousands of people, sometimes several hundred per night, it was necessary to come up with the technology of execution. In the process of research, we realized that a quarry-type excavator was used at the Butovo training ground, which dug trenches up to 4 meters wide and up to 4 meters deep. With each execution, a cell was filled in these trenches. People were thrown into the pit and dragged away. Order was visible in the position of the bodies. Among the remains were rounded sections of stakes at a distance of a meter from each other. Most likely, they were driven in to support this structure of human bodies.
People were stacked like a woodpile up to five layers. Of the 59 skulls, we found bullet holes in only four. But on the bones were visible dents from blows with blunt objects. In the process of excavation, I cleared the remains of two people whose fingers were intertwined. They lay at the bottom of the pit and I think were alive when they were buried. The fact is that in Moscow those sentenced to death were transported in vans with exhaust pipes inserted inside. Many were brought in in such a state that it was not necessary to shoot.
- Did those sentenced to death ever escape execution?
- If there was a court verdict, then the person had the opportunity to file a cassation appeal. In this case, the convicted person could be pardoned or the sentence commuted. If the convict was on the extrajudicial execution list, and there was a check mark next to his last name, it can be confidently asserted that he would have been killed anyway. Very rarely, during the execution of a sentence, a person remained alive due to the inattention of the performer. For example, one Siberian convict managed to get out of the pit. He went to Moscow, believing that he could tell the truth about these terrible events. The man, of course, was shot, because people who were on the lists were not allowed to live. If we were talking about a real execution, the act would contain the signature of the prosecutor, and the fact of death was recorded by a medical worker. In a number of areas they acted exactly according to this old principle. However, in most cases this was not the case. Therefore, we can say that we are not dealing with an execution, but with an investigation into massacres.
During the repressions in our country, a large number of scientists and representatives of the creative intelligentsia were destroyed. Do you draw parallels between this phenomenon and the state of culture in contemporary Russia?
- Repressions could not but affect the culture and life of modern society. Even according to the so-called Tagantsev conspiracy, we see that cases were fabricated against free-thinking, free, independent individuals who were capable of a lot. But it should be noted that not only scientists, teachers, doctors were destroyed. The terror was total. Therefore, there are different memory books dedicated to geologists, diplomats, shipbuilders, railway workers, and so on. Everyone was repressed, and in many ways the best. The worst thing is that none of these people can be replaced. In Leningrad, the astrophysicist Bronstein was shot, who, not only in the city, in the country, no one will replace. But there were still other scientists in Leningrad. And what about small villages, from which, say, 17 men were taken and shot? This is a real tragedy. And it consisted not only in the deaths themselves, but also in the total lie around this topic. Relatives of those sentenced to death were told that their loved ones had been sent to camps. The defendants themselves were also unaware of the verdict. This is a mockery of the essence of human life itself. According to official figures, during the Great Terror, about 800 thousand people were shot in a year and a half. Imagine the level of paralysis of the population - then and later. Such events could not affect only insensitive people.
How often do you have to deal with people who do not feel or understand the magnitude of this problem? Is there such a misunderstanding in the scientific community?
- A lot of people think that the information is exaggerated. Some believe that neighbors' denunciations are to blame. Others believe that the leaders of the state knew nothing about the repressions. These and similar judgments are much more common than you think. The scientific environment is no exception. In mind and heart, scientists are no different from other people. Not everyone is able to understand the depth of the tragedy and survive it.
- Why did you, as a historian, devote your life to researching the topic of repression? What brought you to this job?
- As a schoolboy, I lived in Germany, in the GDR. My father served there in a group of Soviet troops. Schoolchildren were regularly taken to places of fascist concentration camps. I saw this part of the horrors of the 20th century and began to wonder why in our country nothing is known about the many dead? Why do we see lies in biographies? These are all normal questions that people should be asking themselves. According to my convictions, I am an absolute opponent of the violent termination of life, and in our country we are talking about millions of repressed people. And this is not an exaggeration. We do not know each name, but we should know. Do not forget anyone, call everyone by name and try to find the graves - that's our business.
Anatoly Yakovlevich, tell us about the series of memory books "Leningrad martyrology". How many names does the edition contain? What information about the dead can be found in these books?
- The 12 volumes of the "Leningrad Martyrology" contain about 50,000 names. These books contain biographical information about all those who are recorded as being shot or to be shot. Huge numbers, considering that we are talking only about the Leningrad region and the period of the 37-38s. At first, my colleagues and I thought that there would be fewer volumes, but we decided to tell about every unfortunate person. The book was conceived as a general one for everyone who could say a kind word about those executed in those years. Relatives brought memories, photos, acting as witnesses and authors of the book. I always publicly give the first copies of a new volume to the families of the dead. And then it is especially clear what kind of people were killed .... Relatives have different memories, but some words are a refrain.
- What is repeated in these memories?
- Reading the memoirs, we often see: "He was a non-drinker, hard-working, conscientious." And the refrain is the words: "Dad leaned over, kissed and said to listen to mom. "I'll be back. This is a mistake." "Different variations, but the essence is the same. Some of my colleagues thought that it was not necessary to keep "repetitions", the same text "But these words are not invented. All memories recreate the same picture: a person leaves the family, perhaps forever, but must say that he will return. Most likely, he himself believes in this, because he did nothing to not to return.Some relatives to this day do not recognize the documents about the execution, especially if there was a legend in the family that after the arrest and disappearance of a person, they met somewhere, saw somewhere.We are dealing with an epic about the horror of repression.In XX century, something terrible happened to us.It is a real disaster.There must be some number of people who understand the depth of this tragedy and tell their children about it.
- How many volumes do you plan to publish?
- Now we are planning 17 volumes for the years of repression, from 1917 to 1954. Presumably, the series of books will include about 70 thousand names. The greatest number of repressed fell on the years of the Great Terror. In other years, not so many were shot, but more often they were sent to camps. Information about the dead can also be found through our electronic resource - "Returned names. Books of memory of Russia" on the website of the National Library of Russia. The resource has a high attendance: about 11% of all users of the library site access this e-book of memory. As a rule, the relatives of the victims first look for information on the site, then they write, call and come. Usually people want to know where and when their parents, grandparents died. In rare cases, we even manage to reunite families.
- Could you tell one of these stories?
- I'm going to tell an absolutely incredible story. Somehow a letter came with a request to find information about the relatives of a man named Aldis. In the 1950s, he, his mother and grandmother were deported from Latvia to the Amur region. Mom and grandmother died, and the boy was adopted by another family. Aldis's relatives, who remained in Latvia, searched for him, but could not find him. The secrecy of the adoption made it impossible to tell where he was. Aldis himself really wanted to find a trace of his father and relatives. Many years of searching, applying to the program "Wait for me" did not bring results. This letter was sent to me by a woman who really wanted to help in the search. Aldis is the stepfather of her daughter's husband. He knew nothing about this letter. I contacted a correspondent in Riga who is helping me. He took a guide to Latvia and started looking for Aldis's relatives. His last name is rare, so relatives were found quickly. The correspondent called them, and it turned out that half the village was crying with joy. All this time they waited, searched and could not find. Latvian relatives got through to the Amur region first. Aunt Aldis called him when he was at work: "Aldis, dear, we finally found you." Aldis almost lost the power of speech.
- How do you feel when you manage to help people find their loved ones?
You can't even imagine how happy I feel when I see this. Joy comes even when you help people find the grave of a relative or some information about him. For 25 years of work, I have not ceased to treat the deeds of the dead as the fate of living people. These are not just pieces of paper and biographical information. I'm reading about people. Their lives stand before me.
- Why do you think people need to know and remember their roots?
- I think that we are marking time, because we remember little. Without national memory, we cannot move forward. The dead were among the best, in many ways they were heroes. And it is absolutely certain that they became the heroes of my work. In archival and investigative cases, their heroism is hidden and smeared. The Soviet government wanted to portray the condemned as a fiend. But when you combine these documents with memories and testimonies, you understand how courageous these people were, how much torment they endured in the camps and before execution.
- What is the most difficult part of your job?
- Communication with relatives. You look into the eyes of people to whom you are responsible for everything for the first time. Some of them do not believe or do not want to believe in the truth. Among them may be staunch Stalinists. Relatives of those who were responsible for the repressions also come. They wonder why in the family a person was good, but in social life did such terrible things. Yes, is it true? And everyone needs to tell the truth. You can't cheat after a lie that lasted for decades. I say everything I know: from excavations to investigative cases. And it's very difficult.
48% (FOM) of Russians do not exclude the possibility of political repressions as in the USSR. Do you count yourself among these 48% percent?
- Relatives of the repressed often come to me, and there are a lot of such people in our country, the repressions affected almost everyone. I see that people still have fears, because for decades, caution has been the main principle of life. Therefore, we have the statistics you are asking about. This fear remains in people's blood. After 1917, the population was under the most severe control government agencies. Some have been arrested several times. It happened to the same people, the same families. Both fear and the desire to catch up with fear have not gone anywhere - they live with us physically and, accordingly, can be embodied in real situations. As a historian, I know that nothing is repeated exactly the way it was before. But our country is now very circling, it has not yet acquired a national memory.
Interviewed by Daria Varaksina; Photo by Ilya Smirnov.
More details: www.rosbalt.ru/piter/2014/12/06/1345506.html.
About Man: Natalia Odintsova about Anatoly Razumov
Anatoly Yakovlevich RAZUMOV (born 1954)- historian, head of the Center "Returned Names" at the Russian National Library, compiler of the "Leningrad Martyrology" and the database of victims of the Great Terror "Returned Names", historian of the Levashov Memorial of the Victims of Repression: || | | .
MEMORY KEEPER
"Leningrad martyrology 1937-1938" - Book of memory of the victims of political repression. Thick volumes in hard dark blue binding. They contain endless lists of those who were shot ... "Ivanov Ivan Andreevich, born in 1912, a native and resident of the village of Kozlovo, Starorussky District, Leningrad Region, Russian, non-partisan, member of the Krasny Nabat collective farm. Arrested on December 16, 1937 On December 25, 1937, by a special troika of the UNKVD LO, he was sentenced to capital punishment under Article 58-10 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. Shot on December 28, 1937. One can only guess what is behind this meager information. Why did a young village boy get into this meat grinder, who did a quick and wrong judgment on him. Ivanov Ivan Yegorovich, Ivan Ivanovich, Ivan Fedorovich, Klimenty Dmitrievich, Konstantin Ivanovich ... Arrested, sentenced, shot ...
At the end of each volume there are memories of relatives, photographs, articles about repressions, and reference information. "Leningrad Martyrology" is a unique publication that combines "people" and scientific character - an achievable maximum of information about each individual person and an extensive reference apparatus - indexes of names, geographical names, names of enterprises, statistical data, documents of those years, etc. This monumental The publication rests on one person - Anatoly Yakovlevich Razumov.
Anatoly Yakovlevich is 50. Every day, including Saturday and Sunday, he comes to work in the Public Library, which is now called the Russian National Library, enters a tiny room with a sign on the door: "Returned Names Center" and turns on the computer. 5 volumes have already been published, but there should be 12 - only about those shot in Leningrad in 1937-1938. And there are still not shot, but sentenced to camps. There are other years, because political terror in Soviet times was both before and after the Yezhovshchina.
“The most vivid impressions are not from documents, but from destinies,” says Anatoly Yakovlevich. “Sometimes the destinies of the simplest people live in their souls for a long time, they don’t want to leave.
There lived in Leningrad a man with a common surname Vasiliev. A worker, divorced, lived in a hostel and raised a 13-year-old daughter. He was very annoyed by his neighbors. They often drank, and their loudspeaker was always on full blast. Vasiliev visited them several times and asked them to turn down the volume, and this annoyed them. Once Vasiliev saw a portrait of Stalin hanging on the wall of his neighbors and said: "Yes, this is Oska the horse thief from our village!" - "Are you crazy? What kind of Oska? Can't you see, is it Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin!" - "Exactly, our Oska is Joseph completely," said Vasiliev. "He was arrested for horse stealing and sent to Siberia. This one was also in Siberia, right? The neighbors did not miss the opportunity and wrote a denunciation. This happened before the start of the Yezhov operation, so Vasiliev was not shot, but was given 10 years in the camps. The court order ordered that his daughter be taken away from him and sent to an orphanage.
“When I read the case, I imagined this worker,” says Anatoly Yakovlevich. “It is clear that he was a direct and ironic person. And it is disastrously clear that he was unlikely to return from the camps, he was unlikely to see his daughter and it is unlikely that she found out about the fate father."
There are no repressed among Razumov's closest relatives. Father - a military man, mother - a teacher of Russian and literature, an honored teacher of Belarus.
As a high school student, Anatoly came on an excursion from Grodno to Leningrad and decided that he would study only here. Entered the history department of the university, chose the specialization "History of Soviet Society". The discrepancy between official lies and the truth of life disturbed and irritated him, he argued with his elders, often got involved in political discussions. Scientific leaders did not approve of him. After the first term paper on dual power in 1917, Razumov was accused of "revisionism, double-dealing", and misunderstanding of history. I had to change majors. "Come to us. We have our own sources, without 'revisionism and double-dealing'," a comrade from the Department of Archeology told him after Anatoly had been in practice on an archaeological expedition. Razumov followed the advice and started excavating mounds, and the topic of his thesis was related to the Stone Age. But, delving into antiquity, he never ceased to be interested in recent history. Reading historical books, encyclopedias, reference books, he saw that information about many famous people is cut off with a suspiciously short entry: "died in 1937", and someone is completely deprived of the date of death. Razumov began to write out information about such people on cards. The card file gradually expanded.
Anatoly graduated from the university, went to work in Public - first as a simple librarian, then as a bibliographer. Having finished issuing books or advising readers, he was engaged in his secret, cherished business - he replenished and expanded his card index. He worked alone, used only printed sources - there were no others then.
And then the restructuring began. Newspapers published publications about Stalin's repressions. “It seemed to me that a gap had opened in a tightly closed, stuffy room, and everything needed to be done to prevent it from closing, so that it would become wider and wider. I wanted to capture in the book what had spilled onto the pages of newspapers. prepared a bibliography of historical journalism for the Lenizdat press digests "Pages of History" and "History without White Spots".
In 1989-1990, local authorities began to publish lists of those rehabilitated in the press. In Moscow and Leningrad - lists of the executed. For Razumov, this was a major event.
“For the first time these names were pronounced publicly,” he says. “I am a staunch opponent of the death penalty, and it was fundamental and terrible for me that so many people were executed legally. The thought of a memory book lay on the surface. In different parts of the country there were enthusiasts who began to deal with such publications. I was one of them. Gradually, work on the book replaced other activities for me. "
Razumov understood that the lists of the executed, published by the St. Petersburg "Vecherka", are incomplete, information about the dead is too scarce. Access to investigation files was needed. Just at that time, Anatoly Yakovlevich met with the employees of the state security archive. In 1990, Razumov published in the newspaper Smena an article about the famous intelligence officer Dmitry Bystroletov, who spent Stalin's camps almost 20 years. Bystroletov's manuscripts were kept in the special depository of Publichka. In a newspaper publication, Anatoly Yakovlevich turned to the security service with a request to expedite the publication of the names of the victims of repression. In the spring of 1991, Razumov was invited to a meeting, which was attended by representatives of the societies of the repressed and archivists of the security service. By that time, Razumov already had a good idea of what the Book of Memory should be like.
“It was as if I saw it before my eyes,” says Anatoly Yakovlevich. “In my view, it should be a folk, even common folk book, in which as much information as possible about each person is collected. At the same time, it should be a scientific publication with an extensive reference apparatus. The book should be both folk, and scientific, and reference, and polyphonic.
At the meeting, Razumov, unexpectedly for himself, was offered to head this project, to become the editor of the Book of Memory. Anatoly Yakovlevich decided not immediately. I consulted with colleagues in Public, with my family. They told him: "Take it. If you don't take it, the book won't be what you want, or it won't be there at all." And he took it.
One long story of the first volume is worth all subsequent volumes.
Everything was difficult. I had to work manually, without a computer, in free time. From the main work of the bibliographer - serving readers, compiling catalogs, etc. - no one freed Razumov. It was still necessary to find time to visit the archives of the FSB - Anatoly Yakovlevich received access to investigative cases.
“In a conversation with the then head of the archive, Alexander Nikolaevich Pshenichny, I said that I would take up this work, provided that each biographical note was expanded, because the lists in Vecherka were published without indicating the date of execution, the place of residence of the person and the body that passed the sentence, - and I will have access to all the documents necessary to double-check this information. Pshenichny promised, and this condition was always fulfilled. The archive employee Viktor Mikhailovich Dolotov, who prepared the lists for Vecherka, helped me a lot - he meticulously checked and double-checked all the data "When the biographical information began to expand, it became clear that we were talking about a large, but only part of the executed. These were executed by the verdict of extrajudicial bodies - "twos" and "triples". As a historian, it was obvious to me that this incompleteness should not be hidden, I published in "Vecherka" additional lists of those executed by court sentences - the Leningrad Regional Court, military tribunals, lists of Leningraders executed in other parts of the country. It was important that the theme sounded in its entirety so that nothing was missed. It was necessary to explain that 1937 and 1938 were only two, albeit the most terrible, years of repression, that the history of political terror was not limited to them.
However, in 1993, when the manuscript was finally ready, it became clear that there was no one to publish it - no opportunities, no money. And then Razumov was met by the leadership of the Public in the person of the former director Leonid Aleksandrovich Shilov and the current director Vladimir Nikolayevich Zaitsev. It was decided that the National Library of Russia would become the publisher. They convened a "round table", elected a public council and an editorial board, and invited journalists. The work, which has so far gone without much publicity, has become public. There was also money. In 1995, the mayor of St. Petersburg A. Sobchak signed an order to finance the publication of the first two volumes from the city budget. Razumov got the opportunity to study the book during working hours. It became easier.
“The work went on as if with holy understanding and evolved by itself,” says Razumov. “Such people were involved in its orbit and helped, that one can only rejoice.”
Razumov received an unexpected phone call from Lidia Korneevna Chukovskaya. She was interested in what the Levashovskoye cemetery was and where her husband, the famous physicist Matvey Petrovich Bronstein, who was shot in 1938, could be buried. She was advised to turn to Razumov as a person competent in the history of repressions by her good friend, deputy of the Legislative Assembly Leonid Petrovich Romankov. Lidia Korneevna received the State Prize for "Notes on Anna Akhmatova" and wanted to spend it on preserving the memory of the repressed. She asked Razumov for advice on how to do it properly. In her opinion, part of the funds should have gone to the monument to her husband, part to the Book of Memory, part to the arrangement of the Levashovsky cemetery. Anatoly Yakovlevich asked for time to think. Then he replied that as soon as volume 1 was released, he would bring her a book, and Chukovskaya herself would decide whether to give money for it. As for the monument to Bronstein, Razumov undertook to help erect it. As for the arrangement of the Levashovsky cemetery, Anatoly Yakovlevich offered three options to choose from. You can spend money on creating a museum or on information boards at the entrance to the cemetery, or you can spend it on arranging paths. Chukovskaya chose the tracks. “I won’t see the museum, I won’t get out to Leningrad,” she said. “I don’t know what the information boards will be like. paths are what you need. People will walk on them. Paths must be reliable. "
In June 1995, Razumov brought signal copies of Volume 1 to Moscow and for the first time visited Lydia Korneevna and Elena Tsezarevna Chukovsky. A few days after my return, I received a letter: “My assistant reads the Martyrology to me a little. The memoirs of relatives and the lists of the dead themselves are wonderful. A huge amount of work has been done by the compilers. what it reminds of: "Massive violations of socialist legality during the period of the cult of personality ..." This is a strange language. After all, they were killed! And no one buried them. Buried? Buried? .. But I understand that you wanted to show this. In the section memories are a completely different language.
The first volume of Martyrology did not disappoint Chukovskaya, and her desire to help the publication only grew stronger. As always, she found a specific use for money. “Buy yourself a computer and everything connected with it,” she told Razumov. “It will make it easier for you to work on the book. I am a man of the old formation, but I understand that now you cannot do without a computer.”
It was a priceless gift. A small laptop bought with Chukovskaya's money has become a huge help. Now he almost does not work, but Anatoly Yakovlevich does not want to part with him, he protects him as a museum exhibit.
Chukovskaya supported Anatoly Yakovlevich at a very difficult moment for him, when an article appeared in the Parisian "Russian Thought" that the "Leningrad Martyrology" was made by the hands of the KGB, and Razumov was an assistant to the "organs". Anatoly Yakovlevich was depressed. He immediately wrote to Lydia Korneevna: "For God's sake, read this article, but don't believe it, it's not like that." She immediately responded by phone and email. "Anatoly Yakovlevich, I have read this article. There is a lot of petty and ambitious in it. I ask you not to pay attention to it, to continue doing your job."
"Her support, understanding, acceptance of this work were very important to me," says Anatoly Yakovlevich. letters from her, and there were still calls. Thanks to the Chukovskys, I met the Solzhenitsyns, and this was also the most important event for me. "
When A. I. and N. D. Solzhenitsyn came to St. Petersburg and the Russian National Library in 1997, Razumov helped organize this trip. Since then, the relationship has not been interrupted. This acquaintance turned out for Razumov with spiritual, and later material support from the Russian Public Fund of Alexander Solzhenitsyn, which made it possible to concentrate all his forces on only one job, without being distracted by additional earnings. After all, the salary in Public is tiny, and Razumov has three children, and earlier he had to do apartment repairs in the evenings. Now he is free from it.
Although Anatoly Yakovlevich is the only full-time employee of the "Returned Names" Center dealing with "Martyrology", he does not work alone. He has an invaluable assistant who also comes to the library every day and works with him on a book. This is Yuri Petrovich Gruzdev. They met more than 10 years ago, when the manuscript of volume 1 was being prepared, back when Razumov was a bibliographer. Once an elderly reader asked for help in finding information about the repressed workers of the Kalinin plant, where he worked for many years. Razumov immediately took a liking to him. We got talking. Anatoly Yakovlevich told what he was working on. "Can I help you?" Yuri Petrovich asked. At first, Razumov suggested that Gruzdev compile an index of enterprises where the repressed worked. This work was close and interesting to Yuri Petrovich, he performed it brilliantly. Since then, they began to work together, completely trusting each other. And Razumov cannot imagine a better assistant.
Various people were involved in the work on the "Martyrology" - library staff, relatives of the repressed, members of human rights organizations. In each volume, in the "Features of the Publication" section, the names of those who took part in the common work are named: Lucia Bartashevich, Alexander Oleinikov, Evgeny Volsky, Sergey Bogorodsky, Polina Vakhtina, Nikolai Mironov, Alexander Evseev...
The book turned out to be unique in St. Petersburg. Many consider it a model for this kind of publications published in other regions.
Now Razumov is simultaneously working on both the printed and electronic Book of Memory. At the website of the Russian national library The site of the Center "Returned Names" was opened, which contains more than 130 thousand names of those repressed in the North-West of Russia. Hundreds of letters and appeals come not only from Russia, but from the CIS countries and far abroad.
“Interest in Martyrology is not waning,” says Razumov. “Now it’s mostly those who are interested in the history of their family who turn to them. Often these are young people. Many did not know that they had repressed people in their family. that your grandfather or great-grandfather was not charged in a criminal case.Be prepared to read something bad.And more than once received firm and calm assurances in response: nothing frightens us, we just want to know the truth... At one time it seemed that Soviet history was a complete darkness, uncertainty. But it suddenly became clear that, perhaps, this is the most illuminated time in the imprinted circle of names of the simplest, unknown people. After all, almost everyone could be repressed. In peacetime, millions of people in the state were executed or went missing. And those who live now should know about it."
I understand that I am asking a naive question, but still I would like to hear Razumov's opinion on why all this happened. What then happened "with the motherland and with us"?
“I have been doing this for 15 years, but I can’t answer with complete certainty. Why these repressions took place so stubbornly, maniacally, with a degree of madness, can be partly explained by the fact that people with the psychology of the underground, with their fears and complexes, seized power in the country. they were afraid of the country. Everywhere they saw people like themselves - underground workers, conspirators, bombers, terrorists. No matter how many real or imaginary enemies they destroyed, it always seemed that there were others, and it was endless. The very communist idea and the idea of a world revolutions turned out to be a utopia, but it was impossible to abandon them. All these contradictions, stuck together, led to some kind of inexplicable madness. Is it possible to rationally explain the fact that a planned campaign of repression is being carried out, with numbers and set indicators?.. And for the relatives of the repressed "They lied for 50 years. The government changed, and everyone lied to them! And now it is the hardest thing for me to answer their questions: why isn't everything known? why were no graves found?" why can't you say it all? I have nothing to answer. Many documents have been destroyed. Something we could not find, something, perhaps, will be found after us."
For relatives of the deceased publication of the name native person- a touch to immortality. Here it will appear in the Book of Memory - and the truth will triumph. But Razumov finds it difficult to answer the question of when this will happen. "First, you fight for the book to be as accurate, more truthful as possible. Then money is sought for publication. And this is an endless process. The creation of an electronic Memory Book is going faster, but for many it is important that the name appears not only in electronic form, but also really, on paper.
Anatoly Yakovlevich can only say that the next volume will definitely come out.
IN MEMORY OF THE YOUTH OF LIDIA CHUKOVSKAYA
I touched on this story in April 1995, when Lidia Korneevna, having found me in St. Petersburg by phone, asked me to tell her in detail about the Levashov Memorial Cemetery and the future Book of Memory "Leningrad Martyrology. 1937-1938". Then the first volume of the Book was being printed, and I began to persistently beg Lidia Korneevna to send for one of the future volumes a few words of memoirs about her husband, the theoretical physicist Matvey Petrovich Bronstein, who had been shot.
Lidia Korneevna tried to explain to me for a long time that she could not imagine a few words on a topic to which a whole manuscript, a whole book, a whole "DASH" is devoted. I was persistent, but retreated before her crushing arguments. And suddenly I get a page of typescript with the desired words of memory - they are still waiting for their, apparently, the seventh or eighth volume of the Martyrology. Then another letter: "I wrote you about MP in great detail, and you choose what you write about others." Then a photograph of M.P. Bronstein and certificates-reminders about the dead colleagues of L.K. according to Lendet-Publishing House came by mail: S.K. Bezborodov, K.B. Shavrov, Taki Odulok (N. Spiridonov), N.M. Oleinikov, G. G. Belykh, N. Konstantinov (Bogolyubov).
We often and for a long time talked at that time: first by telephone, then in Moscow, when I brought Lydia Korneevna an advance copy of the first volume of the Martyrology. They talked about the archival investigative file of Matvey Petrovich - this case was briefly shown to Lidia Korneevna in the KGB. They talked about recent publications that angered her with the number of crappy lies. The story about Nikolai Oleinikov in the Young Guard is a lie about living and dead friends and colleagues, and the publicized letter from KGB Chairman Yu. Andropov to the Central Committee of the CPSU dated November 14, 1973 is a lie about herself. “CHUKOVSKAYA’s anti-Soviet convictions,” Andropov’s letter stated, “were formed back in the period 1926-1927, when she took an active part in the activities of the anarchist organization Black Cross as a publisher and distributor of the Black Alarm magazine.” For anti-Soviet activities, CHUKOVSKAYA then was sentenced to three years of exile, but after the intervention of her father, she was released from punishment ahead of time.
“I really was arrested in 1926,” Lidia Korneevna told me, “but I learned from Andropov that I was the publisher and distributor of the Black Alarm magazine. Such a charge was not brought against me even during the investigation. denunciation and a very vulgar paragraph - as if from my open letter, they also composed that I wanted to be the director of the Chukovsky Museum in Peredelkino. All this is a lie. "
Soon, by proxy of Lidia Korneevna, I managed to remove and give her a copy of the materials from the MP Bronstein case - in order to continue working on the book. "Didn't you read this file when you copied it?" - "No, just copied for you." “Then I will read first,” Lidia Korneevna exhaled with relief. Alas, it did not occur to me then to look for her own investigative file. Probably because she herself did not show any interest in this. Maybe she thought that nothing had survived.
Lidia Korneevna managed to put up a monument to her husband in Levashovo and donate part of the State Prize she received for "Notes on Anna Akhmatova" to the improvement of the cemetery (she said: "People should walk along reliable paths"). She passed away on February 7, 1996. For me, suddenly.
And a year later, during the hassle of creating a memorial plaque in memory of L. K. Chukovskaya and M. P. Bronstein, I finally guessed to request the archival investigative file of L. K .: "Case No. 1363 On the charge of a group of Anarchists in counter-revolutionary activities by 60 st. code Started on 26/VII 1926 Finished on 24/8 1926 On sheets 256. Archive No. 13608".
It turned out, surprisingly, that all those accused in the case had not yet been rehabilitated.
I worked for a long time with this and several other anarchist cases in the State Security Archive, in that same Big House. Then, as best he could, he compared the found documents with evidence preserved in other sources, primarily in the Chukovsky family archive. Came to certain conclusions. But all these conclusions are only the assumptions of a researcher who read the documents before those who had a greater right to comment on them. Because now, of all the convicts, only Alexandra Vladimirovna Kvachevskaya, one of the first arrested in the famous Russian Institute Art History (RIIII). (A. V. Kvachevskaya remembered the comic interpretation of the abbreviation III: "Institute of Frightened Intelligentsia".)
FIRST ARRESTS
Arrests at the Russian Institute of Art History began in the autumn of 1924. The "chief anarchist" at the institute at that time was an 18-year-old second-year student Yuri Krinitsky. He came to Leningrad from Tashkent, where he participated in the creation and work of several youth anarcho-syndicalist circles, and in the fall of 1922 he was arrested on charges of publishing the underground magazine "Turkestan alarm" and easily signed a denunciation without attaching much importance to it. Enrolling in the RIIII a year later, Yuri continued his anarchist work and soon became the leader of the opposition-minded youth. On Christmas holidays 1923/24 school year he traveled to Moscow, received a membership card of the All-Russian Federation of Anarchists (VFA) and several blank tickets for distribution in Tashkent and Leningrad. The energetic young man strove for legal political success and in the spring of 1924 he was elected chairman of the institute's political education. At that time there was no komacheyka at the institute yet. Krinitsky spent the summer holidays of 1924 in Tashkent, was arrested again, but soon released, and his Tashkent comrades were expelled (Yuri testified in the GPU that he really organized an anarchist group of students in Leningrad, but he did not has a relationship). In the fall, Krinitsky returned to studies at the RIIII and, tormented by remorse, wrote rather lofty statements to the Turkestan and Leningrad embassies of the OGPU about solidarity with the deportees: "... I and my sympathies cannot be on the side of the executioners." In response, he was summoned, presented with an ill-fated signature about denunciation and ... released. Krinitsky feverishly awaited the expulsion and just as feverishly continued his anarchist work among the students of the RIIII.
In 1924, 6 Komsomol members entered the RIIII, in the direction of the city committee of the RLKSM. They immediately organized a cell and prepared their list for re-election to the Executive Bureau. On November 1, 1924, re-elections were held at the Institute at a general meeting, and Krinitsky made an appeal: "If you want your representative to go to the Executive Bureau, vote against the list submitted by the proletarian students and the Comfraction." However, at that time, the GPU already knew who to arrest: the students were under surveillance, and the assistant detective of the 4th group of the secret operational unit of the Leningrad GPU, Pyotr Grigorievich Ivanov, was collecting intelligence materials with might and main. The Komfaction lost in the elections, and on the night of November 3-4, Krinitsky himself was arrested, as well as students Veniamin Rakov, Alexandra Kvachevskaya, Panteleimon Skripnikov, Maria Krivtsova and Evgenia Olshevskaya. Already on November 21, the indictment in their case was approved by the head of the secret operational unit, Leonov, and the OGPU plenipotentiary in Leningrad, Messing. The case was submitted for consideration by the Special Meeting of the OGPU Collegium in order to expel Krinitsky, Rakov and Kvachevskaya from Leningrad for three year, depriving them of the right to reside in six cities. With regard to the rest, the case should be terminated due to the lack of corpus delicti and specific undercover material.
All the accused were released on bail. The talkative and provocatively careless Krinitsky, of course, was placed under special surveillance, and soon the investigator received new intelligence reports: “Krinitsky said that there were anarchists in the Institute of Art History. they have an underground five", "Krinitsky told the emigrant [as in the report] that the other day he was getting a typewriter on which he was thinking of typing, something for the sailors ..." (It is not known who was the provocateur; A. V. Kvachevskaya years later suspected one of the sailors, to whom the students went to the barracks for agitation.)
Messing offered to imprison Krinitsky in a concentration camp, but on January 16, 1925, the Special Meeting decided to send him to the Zyryansk Territory for three years, and Rakov and Kvachevskaya to Kazakhstan for two years.
Rakov and Kvachevskaya refused to cooperate with the GPU and hung around in exile for a long time and served "minuses" - the impossibility of living in a number of cities. They lived in Uralsk, in Tver. Rakov - also in Saratov. Kvachevskaya had a son in exile. In exile, she fell ill with tuberculosis, and she was released to her parents, with whom she had once broken off relations, having gone into politics. By the time of the death of the “leader of the peoples,” Kvachevskaya lived in the Smolensk region, in Roslavl, worked as a teacher of literature and was “developed” by the MGB for arrest. In 1992, 89-year-old Alexandra Vladimirovna Kvachevskaya waited for lifetime rehabilitation. Thanks to her statement, all her co-workers were rehabilitated at the same time. Alexandra Vladimirovna still lives in Roslavl and published part of her memoirs.2 Her daughter heads the Roslavl organization of the repressed.
But the anarchist activity of Krinitsky ended both quickly and badly. He left the VFA, publicly renounced his views in the Ust-Sysolskaya newspaper, and on September 25, 1926, wrote the most detailed - on 16 sheets - testimony addressed to the deputy head of the Komi (Zyryansky) department of the OGPU:
"Comrade Rubinov, in accordance with my decision, prompted by a conversation with you on 4/9 of this year, I give accurate testimony about my past work and about the activities of those anarchist organizations in which I took part. I became an anarchist quite early, in 1919 , i.e., 13 years old ... "
In his testimony, Krinitsky gave a description of dozens of his acquaintances and indicated their location, for example: “Through a student of our institute, M. A. Krivtsova, I met a student of the Civil Institute (Architects). general rule conspiracies. He had a group of ten to fifteen people. (He lived on Serpukhovskaya Street, if you walk from Zagorodny Prospekt, on the right side of the street. The last house of the first quarter. His apartment was somewhere on the very top floor, entrance from the yard. In Leningrad, I could find him). " Krinitsky's confessions ended pathetically: "Having had the opportunity to test my views in exile, a year later I came to the conclusion that all my previous work was a complete mistake and a misunderstanding of both social relations in general and the great moment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The ingenious teaching of Marx gave me infinitely much - spiritual familiarization with the greatest, heroic struggle of the Russian and international proletariat. Not being able to join the V.K.P.(b), I nevertheless consider myself a Bolshevik-Leninist, and the revolutionary duty of this consciousness gave me the strength to present these testimonies. Personal feelings and personal ethics must bow to the service of the whole. You, comrade Rubinov, informed me that sincere testimony could serve as my release from exile. If they are accepted as evidence of my break with the anarchist movement, then I agree to this, but if they are the "price" of release, then I refuse it - I do not trade my conscience. "The testimony was immediately forwarded to Moscow, along with a petition from the Komi Department The OGPU on the early release of Krinitsky.Each name in these testimonies is underlined in bold Chekist pencil.On October 15, 1926, the Special Meeting decided to release Krinitsky.The secret department of the OGPU informed Ust-Sysolsk and Tashkent that the previously planned transfer of Krinitsky to Tashkent to decompose the anarchists there is no longer possible : "only a voluntary trip on the part of Krinitsky is possible."
HISTORY OF THE MAGAZINE "BLACK NABAT"
It is difficult to say whether the anarchist idea, in the absence of other oppositional ones, lived in the RIIII by itself, or was only fed by the work of agents provocateurs.
Of course, not all of the suspected students were staunch anarchists. Their political convictions were just taking shape and were largely imitative.3 They carried on free talk, but there was no real political organization. It was only in the professional jargon of the GPU that they were "anarchists in color." But those who disagree with the slightest injustice, who did not want blunt submission to violence - no doubt. That is why the communists were "rolled" at the next elections at the institute in the spring of 1925.
That was the time to suppress any, even imaginary, opposition to the CPSU (b) and its Stalinist leadership. In the country. In Leningrad. in every institution. Cases about anarchists in Leningrad were conducted by the same investigator Ivanov.4
And while in Ust-Sysolsk the security officers worked with Krinitsky, in Leningrad they continued to monitor his acquaintances, especially the students of the RIIII. On March 13, 1925, the Special Meeting decided to deport Aida Basevich to Kazakhstan and deprive Nikolai Pruss of the right to reside in six cities. (In 1990, Aida Issakharovna Basevich waited for her lifetime rehabilitation in her native Leningrad. In a conversation with researcher Y. Leontiev, she admitted that after many decades she considers the whole story with the distribution of VFA membership cards and the organization of anarchist cells in the field to be one big provocation by the OGPU.) On June 19, 1925, Raisa Shulman was exiled to Central Asia for three years - as "the leader of an anarcho-underground circle among students of R.I.I.I." (Subsequently she was kept in the Verkhneuralsk political isolator, rehabilitated on July 28, 1998.)
In the spring of 1925, Lydia Chukovskaya was arrested for the first time, but was soon released thanks to the efforts of Korney Ivanovich - there is an entry in his diary about the arrest of his daughter and a search in the house. The corresponding documents were not preserved in the State Security Archive. It looks like Chukovskaya was arrested just in case. She did not know Krinitsky, and, moreover, she did not participate in any underground organization.
In September 1925, a new large-scale development of the Leningrad GPU on anarchists called "Center" began, and in 1926 they again found someone to arrest at the RIIII. This time, the inspirer of the underground work at the institute was Ekaterina Boronina, one of the acquaintances of Yuri Krinitsky, Aida Basevich and Raisa Shulman. Boronina corresponded with Shulman (and all correspondence was carefully examined by the GPU), tried to organize her own anarchist circle and involve friends in her affairs: Lydia Chukovskaya and Alexander Saakov, an old friend of Krinitsky, back in Tashkent. Chukovskaya was clearly less interested in anarchism than in shorthand, while Saakov managed to become disillusioned with it. But in Boronina's imagination, the "circle" already existed as part of a large organization, since it was necessary for her to strengthen her authority with her anarchist acquaintances: medical students and printing workers. Several times all these young people - students and workers - met at each other's apartments, decided to organize their own library, their own magazine "Cherny Nabat" and something like a mutual benefit fund called "Black Cross" - in imitation of the organization known to them to help political prisoners. (In general, everything that the OGPU so carefully searched for. It is not known who exactly submitted the most incendiary ideas. The provocateur is unknown, since intelligence materials on the case have not been preserved, although they once existed on each of those subsequently arrested.) Personally Boronina instructed to organize a library and write several articles for an underground magazine. It was with practical work in the library that she tried to captivate her friend.
The magazine was also created imitatively - a copy of the "Turkestan alarm", once brought by Krinitsky from Tashkent, went around the hands of the students (in the end, this copy made on a hectograph was preserved in the archival investigative file as confiscated during the search). "Black Alarm" was supposed to be printed on a typewriter, and then on a specially made machine. But only part of the utopian plan succeeded. The first and only issue of the magazine was printed in several copies by medical student Kira Stürmer on her Underwood typewriter and Ekaterina Boronina on Korney Chukovsky's typewriter, secretly from her friend. Apparently, Lydia Chukovskaya was not trusted in everything. In addition, she doubted the need to publish a journal and did not write anything for him, despite the request of Boronina.
The GPU knew in detail about the preparation of the magazine from their agent and prepared the arrests.
According to the text of the twenty-page typescript, preserved in the file, it is clear that the magazine (in spirit - rather a political proclamation) was made by naive and intelligent guys. Smart students. Smart workers.
"Organ of anarchists. July 1926. In memory of M. A. Bakunin. (To the 50th anniversary of his death)" - was listed in the header of the magazine.
“Everything is quiet all around,” the editorial preface said, “no alarm ringing is heard anywhere, and meanwhile, the fire of red reaction in the S.S.S.R. and fascist in the West flares up brighter and brighter. Thick clouds of smoke corrode the eyes of sometimes they are not able to see what is happening around, and those who call themselves communists more and more let in acrid, smelly smoke, and intoxicate the heads of the working people [...] Let the alarm, the Black Alarm, be heard everywhere, calling all who yearn for true freedom without dope, who is the enemy of violence and power. [...]
“We must fight cruelly against all types of capitalism,” one of the authors of the journal considered. “But in the U.S.S.R., we must direct our main forces precisely against state capitalism, which at the present time is the most powerful oppressor of the working masses. This type of capitalism is carried out by the Bolshevik Party, which, being built on the subordination of some to others, creates in the country "Nikolaevshchina". Centralism and bureaucracy are gaining strength and leading the working masses into the realm of bayonet, violence, prisons and exploitation. Man, as a person, disappears, he is replaced by a machine gun , "a talking and working instrument", which is thrown out without ceremony if it is not pleasing to "His Majesty the state". [...] Arbitrariness increases from day to day, prisons are overflowing with discontented people, ever greater sums of labor are spent on the maintenance of the army and navy In order to raise the well-being of the state budget, "drunkenness" flourishes, drawing the last ruble out of the pocket of the proletarian and undermining his strength.
The young bourgeoisie is growing, the party and professional bureaucracy is growing, creating for itself more than privileges of the nobility. At the other extreme, unemployment is rising. The number of unemployed is becoming threatening.
The state, collecting colossal funds through taxes, assumes less and less responsibility for improving the lives of the workers. Help for the unemployed by "His Majesty the State" is ridiculous.
By entrusting assistance to the unemployed to the trade unions, which are also corroded by bureaucracy and violence, like the entire state system, the authorities doom the unemployed to robbery, begging and prostitution. Official statistics say that about 50% of membership dues to unions go to the upkeep of the bureaucracy."
The authors of the journal are not unfounded. Recalling the time of "war communism" in hungry Petrograd, they compare the level of nutrition in the 2nd orphanage and in the 35th children's home in numerical terms with the nutrition of responsible workers and ordinary employees of the Petrogubcommune:
“The food of the “responsible” was 6 times better ... But if we remember that there were up to 50 types of responsible rations, then we will understand that the “rulers” lived very, very well. ". For the slightest offense - absence from work, failure to appear at a "state" demonstration, etc. - the worker and employee were deprived of "bread."
The situation in the countryside was no better, where "the Soviet government began to intensively introduce the so-called "Soviet communes" or state farms. [...] Every day the situation became worse and worse. The working class was dying at the machine tools and machines, and the peasantry fell from the epidemic of typhus and the Spanish flu. [...] Peasant uprisings flared up in many places - the anarchist Makhno wrote a bright page in the history of this movement - but they were brutally suppressed by the Soviet government. But, of course, it could not last so long: he had to strike thunder. And it struck from that side, from which the Soviet power least expected it. Kronstadt - the pride of the Russian revolution - rose up and put forward its demands. Comrades Petrichenko, Zhukovsky and a number of other anarchists played a glorious role in this movement, in working out these demands. These the requirements were: free, free councils, freedom of the individual and housing, free trade, etc. ".
The Kronstadt slogans are also sympathetic to the authors of the magazine. They are against terror, even against the development of broad anti-Soviet agitation. In their opinion, it is necessary to oppose "the streams of pre-prepared resolutions, rigged elections, communist arrogance - anarchist syndicalist federal organizations, that is, unions of workers in which there is no violence, there is no boss. We must start building these organizations now. In them and through we will achieve the implementation of the slogan: "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs". We will achieve true freedom, joyful work and happy rest."
The arrests broke out shortly after the reprint of the text of the magazine, on the night of July 26-27, 1926. The interrogations began. Lydia Chukovskaya was shown what had been taken away during the search at Kirochnaya Street: a letter from Boronina, a draft of the text of the Declaration written by her hand, and Korney Ivanovich's typewriter. Pointed to the font match. And the shocked Lida courageously took the guilt of her friend upon herself. During the investigation, the friends behaved differently: Chukovskaya, in accordance with the unspoken code of honor, flatly refused to sign a secret agreement on cooperation with the GPU, and Boronina, for some reason, agreed to this. This, however, for the time being, no one guessed.
From Case No. 1363 On the charge of a group of Anarchists in counter-revolutionary activities
* * *
case sheet 98
DECISION In case No. 1926 of the month of JULY "23" of the day, I am the Commissioner of the 1st Department. SOCH PP OGPU in LVO IVANOV P. G.
seeing from the circumstances of the case that Mr. Chukovskaya Lidia Korneevna is a member of the underground circle of students of the RIIII, was present at almost all secret meetings of the Leningrad organization, is in charge of the organization’s library, at one of the underground meetings she made a report on state capitalism and considered it necessary to conduct a search and arrest on the basis of (such and such) the above
RESOLVED:
Conduct a search Kirochnaya st. d. 7 sq. 6.
and the arrest of LIDIA CHUKOVSKAYA KORNEEVNA.
Commissioner /Ivanov/
* * *
case sheet 99
PROTOCOL
On the basis of the order About one. States. Political Office of the LVO No. 2112 dated July 26 1926, a search was made by Lebedev in the house No. 7, sq. No. 6 on the street. Kirochnaya
At the citizen of Chukovskaya Lydia Korneevna
According to the information detained: Chukovskaya Lidia Korneevna
Taken for delivery to O.G.P.U. LVO following (detailed description)
Typewriter "Smith Primer" and various correspondence.1
Employee of the OGPU in the LVO / Lebedev /
1. All allegations of wrong actions committed during the search must be declared in the protocol.
2. The OGPU in the LVO is responsible only for what is mentioned in the protocol.
We certify everything specified in the protocol.
attended
during a search by the house manager /D. I. Nikiforov/
Also signed:
Production employee. search: /Lebedev/
Received a copy of the protocol
House manager /D. I. Nikiforov/
[seal JAKT]
Note: The protocol is drawn up in 4 copies, one copy must be left against receipt by the House Manager.
1
Postscript: Typewriter and correspondence received 26/VII / Ivanov /
* * *
From a letter from E. Boronina, seized during a search from L. K. Chukovskaya (case sheet 112, envelope 112 a):
Lida! I take this opportunity to write to you and send something. First, newspapers - you write them article by article.
On the first card, enter the name of the newspaper, subtitle, number, date, place of publication and number. pages. [...] It will be necessary for the editorial board, which, by the way, is available. We are thinking of releasing the first issue of the magazine in 16 p.m. by July 15. pages. I went to Moscow, brought 40 books. Now there are many books for the library. [...] If you can, then write to a magazine. On the page, write no more than a font. cars. I think I need to write now for the current moment. [...] Well, all the best, write, just do not ask to call anywhere and without any dots after the letters. [...] 6/VII 26
* * *
case sheet without a number [written by L. K. Chukovskaya]
Declaration
1 Definition of the existing system (state capitalism1).
2. Anarchist. views in general (freedom of the individual, labor, power2).
3. Relationship to the anarchist. groups abroad and in our country in the last. years (Makhno, Kronstadt, Voice of Labor, Free Labor).
4. Organization of a black trade union.
5. Organization of the peasantry.
[deleted: 6. Dictatorship of the proletariat.]
1
Added: unemployment and the dictatorship of the pro[letariat].
2
Inserted instead of crossed out: (very briefly).
Library
One librarian.
Communication [deleted: with leaders] with only one of the leaders.
Library from an outsider. Only the librarian knows about its premises.
[Next is a verbatim record.]
* * *
case sheet 100
d. 871 - 25
Questionnaire No. for those arrested and detained with enrollment for O.G.P.U.1
Persons who gave false statements in the questionnaire will be subjected to the strictest liability.
Surname Chukovskaya
Name and patronymic Lidia Korneevna
Citizen of which state of the USSR
Russian nationality
Place of registry Gub. Leningradsk.
Age (year of birth) 19 years
Education: a) is secondary literate
b) which school he graduated from. school 2 tbsp.
Composition of the family, place of residence and place of work of each member (father, mother, children, husband, wife, brothers, sisters) Father Korney Ivan. 43 Writer Kirochnaya, 7 apt. 6
Mother Maria Borisovna 44 housewife, also
Brother Nikolay Korn. 20 translator art. Vyritsa
Party affiliation:
a) what party does he belong to, b) since when has he been non-partisan
Place of work Name of enterprise or institution Student
If you did not serve and did not work for hire,
then on what means did he live with his parents
Whether he owned real estate, what and where not
Have you been held accountable in court?
or in admin. okay no
When arrested 26/VII-26
Arrested by whom, by whose order and order number of the GPU
Where is arrested Kirochnaya d. 7 apt. 6.
Prisoner's signature L. Chukovskaya
July 26, 1926
1
Filled in by the detective according to L. K. Chukovskaya and signed by her.
* * *
case sheet 102
SOCH DEPARTMENT P. P. Gore. Leningrad, 28/VII 1926
PROTOCOL No.
Full Ivanov1 in case No. 1363
I, the undersigned, have been questioned
as an accusation. showing
1. Surname Chukovskaya
3. Age 1907
4. Origin ur. Finland
5. Residence Kirochnaya st. d. 7 sq. 6.
6. Occupation student. R.I.I.I.
7. Marital status girl
8. Property status No
9. Party membership b / n
10. political beliefs nor any
11. General secondary specialized education
12. What did he do and where did he serve:
a) before the war of 1914 Finland
b) before the February revolution of 1917, too
c) before the October Revolution of 1917 Leningrad
d) from the October Revolution to the arrest of Leningrad I study
13. There is no information about the previous conviction
case sheet 103
Testimony on the merits*
I have a negative attitude to the fact of the publication of the magazine, which is mentioned in the letter to me dated 6/VII 26. I knew it was going to be released. From whom I knew - I will not say.2
Wishing to draw up my own political credo, I was going at one time (about 1 1/2 - 2 months ago) to organize a library on various political issues. If other citizens of the U.S.S.R., my acquaintances,3 wanted to use my library, I would not refuse them, and would help to replenish their political knowledge. But I did not organize it..4 On two cards presented to me, I recognize: on one - Ekaterina Boronina and Alexandra Saakova, and on the other - Alexandra. He is a worker; through whom I met him, I refuse to speak, and also refuse to say how many times I met him, where and for what reason.
I did not see the magazine, and no one gave it to me.
I did not conduct any underground work, and did not participate in any organization, and, at the underground (from my point of view) meetings, I did not happen.
I have never seen Kira Arkadyevna Shturmer, and I do not know her.
Signature: L. Chukovskaya
* (amendments made by myself)
L. Ch.
interrogated /Ivanov/
1
2
From whom I knew - I will not say - added.
3
my acquaintances - entered instead of crossed out: having the honor of being acquaintances with me.
4
But I did not organize it - added.
* * *
case sheet 104
SOCH DEPARTMENT P. P. Gore. Leningrad, 29/VII 1926
PROTOCOL No. (secondary)
The interrogation carried out in the Leningrad provincial department G.P.U.
Full Ivanov1
in case No. 1363
I, the undersigned, have been interrogated as charges. showing
1. Surname Chukovskaya
2. Name, patronymic Lidia Korneevna
1
P. G. Ivanov filled out the questionnaire part of the protocol of interrogation. The testimonies on the merits of the case were written by L. K. Chukovskaya.
case sheet 105
Testimony on the merits*) [footnote sign - L. Chukovskaya]
I printed the 3rd issue of the Black Nabat magazine.
To whom I gave it and from whom I received it, I refuse to say. Also, I refuse to show the figures inserted in the article on State Capitalism, the magazine "Cherny Nabat".
* The protocol is written by hand. L. Chukovskaya
29/VII
interrogated /Ivanov/
* * *
case sheet 107
DECISION ON INVOLVING THIS PERSON AS ACCUSED.
Case No. 1363
1926 of the month of July "31" days, I, Commissioner of the I department. SOCH PP OGPU in LVO
IVANOV P. G. interrogating
CHUKOVSKAYA LIDIA KORNEEVNA and having considered the investigation/inquiry
material on it, according to which c. CHUKOVSKAYA LIDIA KORNEEVNA is sufficiently convicted of anarcho-underground work and distribution of the illegal magazine Black Alarm, i.e., a crime under Art. Art. 60, 72 of the Criminal Code
Guided by Art. 128 of the Code of Criminal Procedure
Resolved:
Attract gr. CHUKOVSKY LIDIA KORNEEVNA as the defendant, charging her with the crime of the above named under Art. 60, 72 of the Criminal Code
Commissioner /Ivanov/
AGREE: Head of the 1st Section / Zhupakhin /
APPROVED: Head of the Department /Leonov/
I was charged with "6" VIII 1926
Signature: L. Chukovskaya
A copy of this resolution has been forwarded to the Prosecutor General and the ORSO
Commissioner /Ivanov/
SARATOV
Chukovsky's new troubles began. First, Korney Ivanovich met with Leonov (Messing was not in the city) and for a long time convinced him that Lida was in fact no political figure, already because from morning to night she was engaged in science at the Institute and - more than five hours a day - shorthand . Leonov sympathized. Then Chukovsky wrote a letter to P. E. Shchegolev with a request to put in a good word before the same Leonov. And it helped. On August 13, Lidia Chukovskaya was released on bail.
Soon, an indictment was drawn up in her case.
* * *
case sheets 259-271
CLOSING INDICTMENT
on the trail of case No. 1363
In the month of September 1925, intelligence information was received at the SOCH PP OGPU in the LVO that the remaining anarchists after the liquidation of the anarchist underground organization in February. last year they began again to conduct anarcho-underground work among the workers and students.
Developing the above information, an anarcho-underground organization was identified, consisting of the following groups: STYURMER K. A., Goloulnikov A. E., BARONINA E. A., CHUKOVSKAYA L. K., IVANOV Y. I., IZDEBSKY S. A. I. V. Budarin, G. A. Shturmer, T. A. Zimmerman, T. M. Kokushina, F. I. Mikhailov-Garin, N. G. Volzhinskaya, A. P. Golubeva, and V. S. Solovyov ., G. P. KOCHETOV, and A. N. SAAKOV
This whole group consisted of several anarcho-underground circles of which were leaders: STYURMER K. A., BUDARIN I. V., BARONINA E. A. and IZDEBSKY S. A. [...]
At all underground meetings, questions were discussed on how and by what means to fight against the Soviet Power and the VKP(b) Party, also at these meetings were elected: the Editorial Board, (the purpose of which was to publish illegal literature and distribute it among the working masses), the Black Cross - the purpose of which was to raise money among the workers to help the imprisoned and deported anarchists. [...]
At the end of May, intelligence information was again received, which indicated that an illegal magazine was to be published and that it would be printed in an underground printing house, for which the drawings of the printing press were urgently made and parts and the frame were being made by the anarchist F.I. GARIN-MIKHAILOV.
Subsequently, additional information was received that the illegal magazine "Cherny Nabat" in 8 copies was printed in the apartments of STYURMER K. A. and CHUKOVSKAYA L. K. [...]
7). CHUKOVSKAYA, Lidiya Karneevna, during the search, a typewriter of the "Smith Premier" system was seized (see case sheet No. d. 111 - 112). Interrogated on July 28 CHUKOVSKY, Lidia Karneevna testified that she had a negative attitude towards the fact of the publication of the magazine "Cherny Nabat" and that she knew that they were going to publish it, but she refused to name the person she knew. She also refused to give the name of the author of the letter found on her during the search. She did no underground work, did not attend meetings, and did not participate in any organization (see sheet file No. 103). The second interrogated on July 29 testified that she really printed 3 copies of the magazine "Cherny Nabat" No. 1, she refused to indicate to whom she handed it over and from whom she received it (see sheet file No. 140). According to intelligence materials, she was an active member of the anarcho-underground circle, attended all secret meetings. At one of the meetings she made a report on state capitalism. She was chosen to be in charge of an illegal anarcho-library, she is familiar with all the members of the anarcho-underground organization (see sheet 114).
The indictment notes that, judging by the testimony of Goloulnikov and Solovyov, some copies of the magazine were printed by Chukovskaya. Solovyov also testified that "there was an anarcho-library, which was entrusted to Lidia CHUKOVSKAYA."
Only Boronina and Solovyov gave evidence, and identical ones at that, about the composition of the "Black Cross": IVANOV YA.I., KOCHETOV GP, and another comrade, whose name they do not remember. According to Boronina, "about 5 rubles were collected among the workers." According to Mikhailov-Garin, as the treasurer of the "Black Cross", he was given "18 rubles that belonged to the organization", but later he returned this money back.
The indictment was drawn up by authorized Ivanov, signed by the new head of the SOC Raisky and approved by Messing. It was proposed to imprison Kira Stürmer and Goloulnikov in a concentration camp for a period of 3 years; Boronin, Solovyov, Kochetov, Ivanov, Mikhailov-Garin, Izdebskaya, Budarin and Golubev - sent to a certain area for three years; Georgy Shtyurmer to be deprived of the right to reside in six points for a period of three years, and Chukovskaya, Saakovskaya, Zimmerman, Kokushina and Volzhinskaya - to be conditionally deprived of the right to reside in six points for a period of two years. The Chekists sent the case for sanction to the Special Meeting at the Collegium of the OGPU, having previously given it to the provincial prosecutor for conclusion.
August 26, 1926 and. O. Prosecutor of the Leningrad province Grigoriev issued an opinion on the case and joined the proposal of the Plenipotentiary of the OGPU in the Leningrad Military District.
On September 9, 1926, Belyshev, an authorized representative of the 1st Department of the Secret Department of the OGPU, issued his opinion on the case in Moscow: on the basis of the search materials and the personal confessions of the accused, he considered the guilt of the accused proven and also proposed that the case be referred to the Special Meeting at the Collegium of the OGPU.
On September 18, 1926, the assistant to the head of the Secret Department of the OGPU, A. A. Andreeva-Gorbunova, wrote on Belyshev’s conclusion: “I propose Sturmer Kira and Goloulnikov to be imprisoned in a prison cell for 3 years, to send Boronin and Solovyov to Turkest. for 3 years, Kochetov, Chukovskaya and Saakova to Saratov for 3 years, Mikhailov-Garin and Ivanov to Kazakhstan for 3 years, Izdebskaya, Budarin and Golubeva to Siberia for 3 years, Shturmer Georgiy was banned for 6 puns and Ukraine with cover for 3 years. , Zimmerman, Kokushkina and Volzhinskaya to be deported conditionally from Leningrad with a ban of 6 puns for 3 years. Typewriters and revolvers to be confiscated." This entry formed the basis for the resolution of the Special Meeting at the Collegium of the OGPU of September 18, 1926.
On September 29, 1926, the Plenipotentiary of the OGPU in the Leningrad Military District forwarded copies of the extract from the minutes of the Special Meeting to the Saratov Provincial Department of the OGPU, the Tashkent Plenipotentiary of the OGPU for Central Asia, so that the deportees were registered and monitored. On the same day, a decision was made to arrest Lydia Chukovskaya.
On October 13, 1926, the police issued an arrest warrant for L. Chukovskaya to deport her to Saratov. Despite the recent paratyphoid fever, she was taken to the House of Preliminary Detention, and on October 14, for the second time, now on her own, she filled out the questionnaire of the arrested person.
And here again the intervention of Korney Ivanovich helped. On October 14, he received a medical certificate about his daughter's ill condition ("Given to Chukovsky Korney Ivanovich that his daughter Lydia, 19 years old, suffers from Basedow's disease with increased excitability of the neurovascular system and that her condition has especially worsened since recently, in September of this year ., transferred paratyphoid. Doctor of Medicine Grigory Konukhes"). Chukovsky appealed to the GPU.
* * *
case sheet 288
in the GPU
[from] writer K. I. Chukovsky
Statement.
My daughter Lydia (19 years old) is deported to Saratov for belonging to the anarchist party. I ask you to allow her to stay for another 1 3 months in Leningrad, as she needs to finish her treatment in home environment. She is seriously ill: she has Graves' disease.
A medical certificate is on file.
K. Chukovsky
Leningrad, Kirochnaya, 7 apt. 6
1
still entered in place of the crossed out on.
* * *
On the same day, by order of Messing, the name of Chukovskaya was deleted from the prepared expulsion order and released on bail not to leave with a three-month deferral of expulsion.
On October 20, 1926, Ekaterina Boronina and the baker Solovyov were sent to Tashkent (Boronina's mother, Ekaterina Alekseevna, asked the GPU to send her daughter, in view of her youth, to Tashkent - "as the most cultured of the cities of Central Asia"); Saakov and the typesetter Kochetov were sent to Saratov.
On December 7, 1926, L.K. Chukovskaya signed an undertaking to leave for Saratov no later than December 15 and received a travel permit. On the 15th, she left for Saratov, and on December 20, the Saratov Provincial Department of the OGPU informed Moscow and Leningrad that Chukovskaya had arrived and was registered. On December 22, Lydia was issued a certificate of residence in Saratov until April 1, 1927. Subsequently, the certificate was extended until July 1, and then until October 1, 1927.
There were many exiles in Saratov, and many anarchists. Among them is Dina Tsoirif, who was serving "minuses" after being exiled from Rostov-on-Don to the Ural region. Dina was more experienced and older than the exiled Leningraders. She was already in her 26th year, in 1918 she even visited an anarchist detachment during the civil war. Dina was from Kyiv; her sisters and brothers lived in Odessa, Kyiv and America. Before the deportation, Dina managed to take two courses at the Institute of Children's Defectology. Her husband, also an anarchist, was serving "cons" in Sverdlovsk. Dina Tsoirif got to Saratov earlier than the Leningraders and managed to get used to it somehow. Yuri Kochetov had a gymnasium, self-education, work in a printing house behind him. IG City Council. All the exiles were duly entered, year after year, into similar lists, indicating their address of residence. In 1926-1928, the lists mention: first Tsoirif, then Kochetov, Saakov, Chukovskaya (Bolshaya Kazachya, 37). The city authorities liked Chukovskaya's name so much that they put her on the list of "disenfranchised" even for the elections of October 20, 1930, when her term of exile had long ended and she was not in Saratov.)
During the exile, Lydia's disagreements with her father escalated. She wanted to stoically endure the test of fate to the end, and Korney Ivanovich did not stop trying to secure her release. In the end, with the knowledge of K.I., Lydia’s friend at the institute Izya (Isidore) Glikin went to Saratov with admonitions, and then her older brother Nikolai. “She has a stone character,” Nikolai Chukovsky wrote to his father from Saratov. “We were on the Volga, in a boat, at night, in a terrible thunderstorm and storm, we got lost between the islands. Yura tossed about, interfered, worried, rocked the boat, behaved vilely. But I admired Lida's courage and calmness. Dad, if you can - bother. Just don't write to her about it. Seeing me to the station, she cried. She misses Murka very much. ( Which, I hope, is already healthy). [...] Lida has turned gray. Quite a lot of gray hair. By the age of thirty she will be completely gray."
Korney Ivanovich busied himself. Worked incessantly. Spoke with Lunacharsky and Mayakovsky. I was going to Moscow to go to Bukharin and Kalinin. And soon his daughter was really released to Leningrad.
The worst thing about Lida's story is that we don't know if she is going on vacation for a month, or if she is released altogether. I think for a month. How we are waiting for her! I see that in Muruzi's house the attic roofs are painted with red paint - and I think: "Lida will see them soon!" I look at the bus: "Lida will soon go in it!" I look at the 23rd tram number, which Lida loved so much: "Soon Lida will see that a 2nd car has been added to this tram." And the pavements on Sergievskaya, and the trees on the embankment, and our painted kitchen, and Tatka, and Murka ...
I didn’t sleep all night: I’m waiting for Lida. Cannons were fired from 3 o'clock in the morning. Flood. Sunny, clear, windless morning. [...] Lyubov had Alex. Boronina is Katya's mother. He lives in a huge house, in St. Petersburg, but there is no yard, but a wasteland, on which there are vegetable gardens and sunflowers. He frankly says about Katya that this is heredity: "age is the most dangerous." "I didn't call M B,1 because I thought she was angry with Katya, why Katya dragged Lida into this business." [...] 9 am. [...] Lida has just arrived. Boba brought her. Very thin. Mura blushed and hid from excitement, together with me, so I also ran to another corner. M B sits opposite her and looks prayerfully - clasping his hands. They started talking about Yura - she suppressed tears - she is going to take a bath. Nothing is known what happened to her, she must go to the G.P.U., where her fate will be announced to her. They called her and said that Leningrad was calling her. G.P.U. What if it starts asking her for a subscription again? She won't, and the whole story will start all over again. Boba stands in the doorway and looks at her silently, and I feel that I am a stranger, a stranger, a stranger. - I don't know anything about me. Mura: - Did you bring your things? Lida: Almost everyone... And she herself is eager to go to Saratov, where "the best people she has ever seen" live.
On Friday I had Marshak, and Lida made me contact Messing directly by phone so that Messing would accept me. I called, but the results were completely unexpected. In the evening, Lida received a summons to appear at the G.P.U. But they did not receive me.
And finally, the entry from November 9th:
I forgot to write down that on November 4 I visited Messing at the GPU. He greeted me well and even announced with some pleasure that he had decided to release Lida, although a final answer to his proposal had not yet been received from Moscow. I was overjoyed:
What about her beliefs? Changed? - he asked.
No, I said. - Her beliefs are the same.
And he began to fuss about Katya Boronina. He promised to do everything possible.
However, in the Leningrad GPU they acted not out of charity, but out of their own considerations. Surveillance continued. All letters were perused. And Messing did not expect any response from Moscow.
On November 25, 1927, the head of the secret operational department, Nevernov, sent to Moscow, to the Secret Department of the OGPU, a resolution on a new intelligence development, called "SHARDS OF THE CENTER": (case sheet 315):
“After the expulsion from Leningrad of activists on the agent-development “CENTER”, such as: GOLULNIKOVA Alexandra, KOCHETOVA Georgy, STYURMER Kira, CHUKOVSKAYA Lidia and others, intelligence information began to come to the SO PP that after their liquidation, there were people who were not identified by us, who allegedly continue to do anarchist work.
Before the liquidation of the persons involved in the development of "CENTRE", we knew that the printers GOLULNIKOV and KOCHETOV had small groups that took part in the work and in the theft of type from the printing house to organize an underground anarcho-printing house.
It was not possible to verify this information due to the lack of information closely related to GOLULNIKOV and KOCHETOV, and in the process of investigative study, these persons were not identified.
From the correspondence of the anarchist CHUKOVSKAYA, who is in Leningrad, with the Saratov anarchists, it is clear that in Leningrad there really are persons associated with GOLOLNIKOV and KOCHETOV, who were still unknown to us.
Lately we have information that some activity in anarchist work has been noticed among the printing workers and students of the Institute of the Institute of Arts. In view of this, the stay of CHUKOVSKAYA in Leningrad is very necessary for us, since through GOLULNIKOV and KOCHETOV she is connected with the persons who remained after the liquidation of the "CENTER" development and, in addition, she has connections with the anarchist students of the Institute of Art History.
All these connections with CHUKOVSKAYA can only be obtained through Ekaterina BARONINA, whom she trusts very much, so it is necessary for BARONINA to stay in Leningrad.
Based on the foregoing, IT DECIDED:
To file a petition before the 1st branch of the SOOGPU for a review of the case against the anarchists Lidia Korneevna CHUKOVSKY and Ekaterina Alekseevna BORONINA for their early release from exile with the right to reside in the city of Leningrad.
Commissioner /Ivanov/
"AGREED" SOU PP /Nevernov/
"I APPROVE" the OGPU PP in the LVO /Messing/"
In Tver, similar work was carried out by the GPU with Georgy Stürmer, who was sent there. In November 1927, the Tver security officers reported to the Secret Department of the OGPU: “We have paid attention to STURMER for a long time. As a result of processing, we brought him closer to us so much that he began to give us verbal information on questions of interest to us about the life of administratively exiled anarchists. Officially STURMER categorically refused to become our collaborator (i.e., to subscribe. The latter is explained solely by the intellectual peculiarities of his psychology. [...] In addition, we inform you that we have: 1) a letter from Stürmer to the editor about his departure from anarchism (not published for the above reasons) and 2) a signature on the renunciation of anti-Soviet activities with the obligation that in the event he becomes aware of the cr. activities of those around him, he will immediately inform the organs of the OGPU.
On December 13, 1927, the Special Meeting reduced by a quarter the term for the expulsion of Chukovskaya and Boronina - under a general amnesty, as well as all their fellow businessmen. And on December 19, 1927, Belyshev, the detective of the SO OGPU, issued an opinion on the possible revision by the Special Meeting of the case of Chukovskaya, Boronina and Georgy Shtyurmer, "taking into account that all of them during their stay in exile moved away from anarchism." On January 6, 1928, a special meeting, in a change to the previous decision, released all three of them from punishment ahead of schedule.
Both resolutions of the Special Conference - on amnesty and release - were sent to Leningrad at the same time. On February 1, the Plenipotentiary of the OGPU PP in the Leningrad Military District notified Moscow that the decrees had been announced to Lidia Chukovskaya.
The return of Boronina to the OGPU was given special importance. On January 26, 1928, she was given a certificate in Tashkent to travel to Moscow, with an appearance at the OGPU. In Moscow, especially for her, the Secret Department of the OGPU requested by 12 o'clock on February 1 letters for travel to Leningrad.
After Boronina returned to Leningrad, the relationship between the friends, for obvious reasons, very soon broke off. Although not fully, Lydia Chukovskaya learned about Boronina's loyal relationship with the OGPU. The positions of the girls turned out to be completely opposite. Other "anarchist" acquaintances of Lydia Chukovskaya were also interrupted. There could be no question of any participation in anarchist activities. True, in the spring of 1929, she invited her old friend Dina Tsoirif to Leningrad from Saratov, whose term of exile and "minuses" had ended. But for some reason, Dina stopped at Boronina's and soon got a job as a statistician in the Bureau of Medical Examination, entering Boronina's circle of acquaintances. Was it the GPU's intention? Considering the documents known today, we have to give an affirmative answer. Sasha Saakov and one of the first anarchists of the RIIII, Veniamin Rakov, returned from Saratov to Leningrad - it was in Saratov that his "minuses" ended after the expulsion of 1925. Aida Baseevich returned from Kazakhstan. For them, who did not cooperate with the state security agencies, the secret political department continued to monitor them. They were looking for sedition. All meetings of old acquaintances were evaluated as a continuation of underground work. Yura Kochetov returned in August 1932 and got a job at the "Soviet Printer" printing house. Began to visit Dina's apartment. And soon, in October, new arrests took place. They arrested Dina - as the leader of an "anarcho-underground group", arrested Kochetov, Rakov, Dina's husband - Nikolai Viktorov, Aida Basevich and several other people. Many were soon released - the collected evidence was too insignificant. But the sentences for "the most active members of the group" were severe. Dina Tsoirif, Nikolai Viktorov and Veniamin Rakov, by the verdict of the Exit Session of the Collegium of the OGPU on December 8, 1932, were imprisoned in a political isolator for a period of three years, and Yura Kochetov was deported to Central Asia for three years. In 1935, as a continuation of the punishment, Dina was sent to the Northern Territory for three years, her husband - to the Kirov Territory for three years, Veniamin Rakov - to Kazakhstan.
Few people were left alone after being registered with the GPU-NKVD-MGB. So, the worker Ilya Skorodumov, who was involved in the case of Dina Tsoirif in 1932, was released due to the lack of corpus delicti, and on December 25, 1939, he was sentenced to three years in the camps by the Military Tribunal of the LVO in the same false case for the fact that he, along with his comrades "during for a number of years until the beginning of 1938, he repeatedly carried out counter-revolutionary agitation and maintained contact with the subsequently repressed anarchists, and at meetings with them spoke counter-revolutionarily about the activities of the party and the Soviet government on issues of the Stakhanov movement, state loans, the press in the USSR and the financial situation of the working people. Ilya died in 1941 while serving his sentence. The case of this "organization" did not have time to complete the investigation during the Yezhovshchina, otherwise the execution was inevitable immediately. So they shot in Leningrad in 1937-1938 Rimma Nikolaeva, Andrey Sparionapta and Julian Shchutsky - members of the anarcho-anthroposophical circle who survived after the Tashkent defeat in 1930.
In 1946-1947, materials were collected for the re-arrest of Fyodor Garin-Mikhailov, Alexander Saakov, Tamara Zimmerman. In 1953, the Bryansk department of the MGB prepared materials for putting Yuri Kochetov on the All-Union wanted list. And all this is only on the basis of the materials of the old investigative file of 1926.
THE FATE OF BORONINA
In the end, the fate of Ekaterina Boronina turned out to be terrible. They did not meet with Lydia Chukovskaya, living in the same city before the war. In 1928, Boronina buried her father, in 1932 she married Sergei Khmelnitsky, a fellow student, a writer in the future. During the war, Boronina remained in Leningrad, buried her mother, who died of dystrophy. After the complete lifting of the Leningrad blockade, L. Chukovskaya visited old acquaintances.
From the diary of L. Chukovskaya:
24/VI 44 Was twice with Serezha and Katya, spent the night one night. The established way of life is strange and enviable - French books, a table and the same [inaudible] on the wall and trellis, the same things, cat. stood when we were students, and I was so passionately friends with Katya. I haven't been to her for about 15 years. And now, after the operation, she looks more like that childhood Katya than the pre-war one. [...] Don't know. But now it’s easy for me with her, as if everything is washed away. She read her sketches, Seryozha showed the story of one boy about the days of the blockade - monstrous, how he stole the cards. [...]
I sat among these people, people of my youth, with whom ties had been severed for a long time - and I thought that if you live in Russia, you need to live in Leningrad, because there is a living here - despite the hunger and the blockade - smart, subtle, harsh powerful intelligentsia.
By the end of the war, Boronina was a fairly well-known children's writer, many still remember her "Amazing Pledge". She was awarded the medals "For the Defense of Leningrad" and "For Valiant Labor in the Great Patriotic War." But she was not spared by a wave of arrests of "followers".
On October 20, 1950, via a government communication channel from Leningrad, the Ministry of State Security of the USSR urgently reported:
"WE ARE PREPARING FOR THE ARREST OF EKATERINA ALEKSEEVNA BORONIN, 1907, LENINGRAD HARVEST. THE ARCHIVAL AND INVESTIGATION FILE NO. THEM TO SEND THE SPECIFIED CASE FOR INFORMATION".
Boronina was arrested on October 30, 1950, on charges that she "in the past was the organizer and leader of one of the anarchist circles of an underground anti-Soviet anarchist organization liquidated in 1926 in Leningrad" and that she "did not give up her former anarchist convictions and for a number of years, among his entourage, he expresses sentiments hostile to Soviet power, slanders the leader of the Soviet people, the policy of the CPSU (b) in the field of literature and art. The evidence of writers S. Shillegodsky, S. Rosenfeld and D. Levonevsky taken on August 29-31, 1950, taken ahead of time, was preserved in the case.
During the investigation, Boronina was interrogated in detail about the circumstances of the 1926 case and her signature on cooperation with the OGPU bodies in covering the activities of anarchists - in expiation of guilt. Denying the new "criminal activity", Boronina emphasized that, on the contrary, for many years, under various pseudonyms, she assisted the state security agencies: in Tashkent during exile, then in Leningrad - until 1945. What was the degree of activity of Boronina's informing work, whether she evaded denunciation, is not known now. But in 1950, investigators were more interested in denunciations against Boronina herself: they say, she expressed terrorist intentions, told her friends "that allegedly in household life the leader of the peoples and his son, not everything seems to be going well", in her manuscripts "tried to denigrate Soviet reality, slanderously depict Soviet people and cause disbelief in building communism, kept literature of anti-Soviet content" (during the search, Bakunin's books were confiscated from her, Kropotkin, Hamsun, V. Khodasevich, O. Mandelstam, N. Gumilyov, M. Tsvetaeva, as well as "Leningrad in the Great Patriotic War", "Heroic Defense of Leningrad" and others.5 Boronina even had to sign a confession that the her manuscript of an old student work "Moscow and St. Petersburg: Literary Enmity" is "anti-Soviet, slanderous of Russian literature and great writers of democrats", because it was influenced by "cosmopolitans Eikhenbaum and Radlov". By decision of the UMGB, a special expert commission was created to led by the director of Lendetizdat D. Chevychelov on the evaluation of the seized books and manuscripts.The act of the commission (it also included the censor L. Mikitich and the lecturer of Leningrad State University A. Khilkevich) is attached to the case and is a true monument of its era: three books by Gumilyov are mentioned in it, for example, like this: “Their author GUMILEV N.S. is the first husband of Anna Akhmatova, the founder of the Acmeist group (in 1912). The October Revolution met with hostility. In 1921, he was shot for participating in a counter-revolutionary conspiracy. His work is completely alien and hostile to Soviet people. It is filled with mysticism, hatred for ordinary people, a premonition of the death of their noble class. In the poem "Worker" Gumilev represents a worker who does not sleep:
"He is all busy casting a bullet,
That will separate me from the earth."
The collections listed above do not appear in the lists of literature seized [from libraries]. They definitely need to be removed."
Copies of Boronina's interrogations from her 1926 file were also attached to the case.
Considering that Boronina "was a secret officer of the OGPU-NKVD-MGB for 20 years," her case could not be considered in open court and was sent for consideration in absentia by the Special Conference of the USSR Ministry of State Security. On February 17, 1951, she was sentenced to imprisonment in a camp for a period of 10 years under article 58-10 part 2 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR and sent to Mordovia, to the Dubravlag of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Her husband, the writer S. Khmelnitsky, worked for her - unsuccessfully. K. I. Chukovsky busied himself. In January 1954, she herself applied to the Central Committee of the CPSU with a request for rehabilitation. On November 1, 1954, the Central Commission for the Review of Cases against Persons Convicted of Counter-Revolutionary Crimes canceled the decision of the Special Meeting at the USSR Ministry of State Security, deciding to close her case and release her from custody. She returned to Leningrad through Moscow.
From the diary of L. K. Chukovskaya:
9/XI 54 Katya Boronina arrived. Lived with me. This is K.I.'s new feat [...]
Katya is hard. Angina pectoris, rheumatism, loss of vision in one eye - complete, in the other - almost. [...] I bought her a ticket, accompanied her to the station, and we walked with her along the platform for 25 minutes - she was unable to reach the carriage. But it's not hard, it only causes pity and memory. And I didn't like her. Talking badly about people; vicious, unfair, ungrateful. From her youth she loved to be mysterious, meaningful; now it has increased 100 times.
But all this is God bless her, God bless her. We have to save the rest of her trampled life.
And Korney Ivanovich made a note about the same: “I was at home for a minute. I saw Katya Boronina. It seems as if she had just been run over by a truck. In some kind of rags, with one injured eye, with a hoarse voice, thousands of innocent victims of Beria. I am glad that I was lucky enough to get her out of hell. "6
Now, leafing through the diary, I am convinced that I did not write a word about the main event of this time, about Katya's death. This is because in those days I did not have time to write, and then I considered it written.
I think I recognized the 31st, or the 1st. From a postcard by Sima Dreyden - K. I. Already after the funeral. I called Shura.7 [...]
For me [behind these words] - Petrogr side, islands, boat, Institute, tests, teaching and stupidity of 26, the first meeting with Caesar, Saratov, then the struggle for K, her return, alienation, break.
My arrival in Ld after the blockade... [...]
She lived only 7 months when she returned.
What she was like here, with me - barely alive, could not eat, could not sleep, move, read, often talked nonsense - and yet something young.
STATE SECURITY AND LIDIA CHUKOVSKAYA. 1930-1970s
Documentary traces of Lidia Chukovskaya's call to the Big House in the spring of 1935, most likely, have not been preserved. But there is no reason to doubt the fact of the call. A "Kirov Stream" was taking shape - thousands of unreliable people were expelled from Leningrad and, along the way, secret agents were recruited.
M. P. Bronstein was tried and shot on February 18, 1938, and a week later, on March 25, in the 8th department of the UNKVD LO, the "List of those convicted by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR on the cases of the UNKVD LO in February 1938" was approved. The list was compiled for the final accounting of the convicts and the arrest of their wives - as members of the families of "enemies of the people and traitors to the Motherland." In the List, opposite the name of each convict, there is the number of his investigative case, the article of the accusation, the measure of punishment (usually the highest), the composition of the family (usually the wife) and the necessary notes. Almost all the wives had already been arrested by this time. With regard to those who, for one reason or another, remained at large, the notes have a single form: "The arrest is being formalized"; above them follows a resolution inscribed in blue pencil: "Arrest by 1/IV", and below - in red ink - execution marks: "Arrested 26/III", or "Arrested 27/III".
The 15th position of the List corresponds to the entries:
"Bronstein Matvey Petrov. / 32253-37 / 58-10-11 / VMN / Wife - Chukovskaya Lidia Korneevna, born in 1907, worked as the editor of Len. / IV] / Arrest. IV department".
A rare case: instead of the date of arrest - a statement about the arrest, as a fait accompli. Maybe it was easier to report and explain the delay. But the arrest of Chukovskaya this time did not take place, and only thanks to the timely flight from her beloved city. In February 1938, having found out in Moscow, in the Military Prosecutor's Office, the wording of the sentence to her husband - "10 years without the right to correspond" - Lidia Korneevna "still returned to Leningrad, but did not go to her apartment, to Kirochnaya - too. She lived for two days with friends, and I saw Lyusha, Ida and Korney Ivanovich in the little garden. I said goodbye, took money from Korney Ivanovich and left. "8
"For her husband" Lydia Chukovskaya was never arrested. But truly state interest in its long-standing own business so it didn't go away. She was followed before the war, during the war and after the war. Finally, on February 11, 1948, the deputy head of the operations department of the Main Security Directorate of the MGB (GUO), Lieutenant-General V.I. The case was "overlooked" by one of the senior detectives of the GDO.
Various detectives of the Moscow Department of the KGB got acquainted with the case of L.K. Chukovskaya also in 1955, 1956, 1957 (twice) and 1958. For various reasons, mainly - a common practice - in connection with the departure of one of the Chukovskys abroad. (Lydia Korneevna herself was "not allowed to travel abroad".) In 1958, the case was transferred to storage in Leningrad and was not touched for a long time.
However, on October 26, 1966, the case was urgently requested to Moscow on the most serious occasion - "due to operational necessity." Most likely, the need arose after the secret report of the Deputy Chairman of the KGB Zakharov to the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the CPSU about the first publications abroad of "Sofya Petrovna" - the story of Lidia Chukovskaya about the Great Terror and the transmission of Lidia Chukovskaya's open letter to Sholokhov on foreign radio9.
The Central Committee of the CPSU got acquainted with the report in September 1966, and then the decision was ripe to collect the necessary additional compromising evidence.
A year later, on December 18, 1967, Deputy. The head of the Moscow Department of the KGB informed Leningrad: "We are developing L. K. Chukovskaya, so I ask you to temporarily leave the archival criminal case 13608 to us." For three years they worked on the case in Moscow and, finally, on December 8, 1969, they returned to Leningrad "after the need had passed", leaving the necessary certificate for memory. Literally two days later, the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the CPSU opposed the creation of a museum of K. I. Chukovsky at the dacha in Peredelkino (a note from the Department of Culture dated December 11, 1969 is mentioned in a later document, see: Source. 1994. No. 2. P. 101 ).
The certificate of the 1926 case was apparently used in the preparation of the letter of the KGB Chairman Yu. Andropov to the Central Committee of the CPSU dated November 14, 1973. After reading Andropov's letter in Istochnik many years later, Lydia Chukovskaya sharply noted in the margins of the magazine:
Not true. She was arrested, she was in the DPZ, then she lived, but not for three years, in Saratov; came back after 8 months. Never any participation in any political organizations did not accept. She filed a reason for the arrest, but during the investigation it quickly became clear that it had nothing to do with it. ”And she added the same for the general reader:“ ... the reporters (those who compiled their report almost half a century later) cleverly invented the reason for my arrest: I have never belonged to any underground organization, in particular, to a certain anarchist "Black Cross".10
MEMORIAL PLAQUE
But Lidia Korneevna did not return to the political affairs of her youth more often with her thoughts. More like family drama. In June 1993, she writes in her diary:
Didn't understand K.I. Institute. I did not understand the reference... meanwhile, the Institute as a formalist theory, with which it fought and from which the plague of structuralism grew in the future - this very theory and lectures at the Institute did not interest me either, just like him, despite all the brilliance and all the decency of our teachers was of little interest to me, but 1) if you are already studying, you must pass tests well 2) The institute gave me friends for life, cat. warmed me from a troubled family and taught me how to live and work. What 17-year-old girl is not looking for friendship and "her own company"? .. As for the exile and my plea not to intercede for me - then, of course, the matter was complicated and I was to blame - I cruelly ruined his life. There was no way I wanted any advantage over the other detainees. It was a heightened sense of honor ... The reason for my persistence lurked in a sense of honor. Meanwhile, people who were involved in my "case" - for example. Katya - they were really guilty in the face of the authorities ("leaflet"), but I had nothing to do with it, and it was not clear - even to myself - what I, in fact, was true to and why I myself was suffering uselessly and, most importantly, torment him...
Lida Chukovskaya remained true to the firmness of her character. The reliability that I valued so much in others. Faithful from youth to last days. And best friends paid her the same. So, Isidor Glikin and his sister Rosalia for years - each until their death - secretly kept the precious manuscript of Sofya Petrovna. And after the death of Stalin, Lidia Korneevna took her from a hiding place in Leningrad.
On March 26, 1997, the city authorities erected a granite memorial plaque on the house at Five Corners: “The writer Lidia Korneevna Chukovskaya and the theoretical physicist Matvey Petrovich Bronstein (shot) lived in this house since September 1935. “Sofya Petrovna” was written here - a story about great terror."
On July 8, 1997, Lidia Chukovskaya and her co-workers were rehabilitated according to the conclusion of the St. Petersburg prosecutor's office, because "their anti-Soviet activities were not proven by the materials of the criminal case. The assertion that their goal was to overthrow the Soviet regime is based on operational information and is not supported by evidence."
* * *
Perhaps it is worth mentioning the fate of the Chekists who were involved in Case No. 1363 on charges of a group of anarchists in counter-revolutionary activities.
Detective Pyotr Grigoryevich Ivanov, who was engaged in the affairs of anarchists in the 1920s, was not subjected to repressions and did not make a great career. In 1943, he was dismissed from the post of head of the 5th (special) department of the UNKVD LO.
Sergei Georgievich Zhupakhin, on the contrary, made a career in the so-called "Academic business". In 1937-1938 he was already the head of the UNKVD in the Vologda region. Shot. See more about him in the book: Academic Affairs 1929 - 1931. T. 1-2 / BAN. SPb., 1993, 1998.
Ivan Leontyevich Leonov (in 1918 - a member of the Board of the PetroChK, in 1923 he was awarded a gold watch by the Board of the OGPU) headed the secret operational department (management) of the Leningrad GPU in 1921-1927. In 1931 - 1932 he served as head of the relevant department of the Plenipotentiary Mission of the OGPU in the East Siberian Territory. Then he was enlisted in the special reserve of the OGPU.
Naum Markovich Raisky (Lekhtman) remained in the position of head of the secret operational unit of the OGPU PP in the LVO until 1929, then served in the OGPU plenipotentiaries for Far East and in Central Asia. In 1937 - head of the UNKVD in the Orenburg region. Shot on November 15, 1937. Rehabilitated in 1957.
Stanislav Adamovich Messing in 1929 became the head of the foreign department and deputy chairman of the OGPU. Since 1931 he worked in the People's Commissariat of Foreign Trade. Shot on September 2, 1937. Rehabilitated in 1957.
Alexandra Azaryevna Andreeva-Gorbunova was arrested in 1938, sentenced by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR to 15 years in the camps and died in prison. Rehabilitated in 1957.
1. Source. 1994. No. 2. S. 101.
2. Kvachevskaya A. Among the moving sands: From landmark memories // Roslavlskaya Pravda. 1995. No. 70, June 24. About Kvachevskaya, see also: Makarov A. The fire of distant years burns // Ibid. No. 67, 17 June.
3. For comparison, see publications devoted to the genuine anarchist movement in the USSR: Pavlov D. B. Bolshevik dictatorship against socialists and anarchists. 1917 - mid-1950s. M.: ROSSPEN, 1998. 232 p.; Limanov K. History of the Anarchist Black Cross // Contrary. (M., 1998. No. 7, Jan. S. 49-54, 63.
4. For curious details about one of his cases, see the book of memoirs by Anna Garaseva "I lived in the most inhuman country ..." (M .: Intergraf Service, 1997).
5. Some of the books, apparently, belonged to Boronina's husband - S. I. Khmelnitsky
6. Chukovsky K I. Diary (1930-1969). M., 1994. S. 217.
7. Aleksandra Iosifovna Lyubarskaya, participant of the editorial office of Lendetizdat that was smashed in 1937.
8. See for more details: Chukovskaya L. Notes on Anna Akhmatova. M.: Consent, 1997. T. 1. S. 9-11.
9. For the text of the report, see: Questions of Literature. 1995. No. 1. S. 334.
10. Chukovskaya L. K. Kuokkala - Peredelkino // Russian asceticism. M.: Nauka, 1996. S. 449.
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