Vyatka peoples. Origin of the Russian people. vyatka version. From peasant reform to revolution

Notes:

(1) According to the famous Vyatka statistician Savinov:

“Beekeeping is significantly developed in the Glazovsky district compared to other districts of the province. Votyaks are engaged in them with love. There are over 10,000 hives in the county. Each of them can give up to 50 pounds of honey, which goes to the city of Slobodskoy and is sold there at 4-6 rubles per pound. Wax is bought up by Kruglov peasants for 14-15 silver rubles per pood and sent to Kazan.

A pood of honey yields up to 8 pounds of wax.”

"Bulletin of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society", 1858, No. 12, pp. 221-222.

(2) Savinov was of a different opinion:

“In general, the people of the Sloboda district are hardworking, enterprising and impulsive. A closer look at him shows that these are not VYATCHEN - their neighbors.

Because, their relatively diverse and active industry clearly says that the SLOBOZHANES are not related to the VYATCHEN, as can be seen from history.

Ustyuzhans, who sought independence from the princes of the appanage, settled in these places.

The Vyatchans, as you know, are the descendants of the NOVGORODS who came here to Vyatka from strife and disagreements in their homeland.

Due to the development of crafts, there is less drunkenness and crime among SLOBOZHANS. Yes, and this people is richer than VYATCHEN, who strive, if not to drink the last penny, then lose at cards.

At least, the last vice is developed between the suburban residents of the city of Vyatka and the youth, who, living in the service in the city or being engaged in chauffeuring at the city exchange, brought maps to the villages.

SLOBOZHANES are a more frank, reasonably trusting people, a serious and positive people, and only with distance from the city and on the main roads, both their character and morality change in a worse direction.

VYATCHEN, on the contrary, - the closer to the city, the more roguish, distrustful and suspicious.

There are too many examples of cheating and deceit.

One has only to go to the bazaar on Sunday, take a closer look and ask the price of the products brought by the VYATCHANA people to make sure that their shortcomings are true.

Suppose you intend to buy a load of firewood. Having found out how much a load of firewood costs, you bargain and, finally, agree on a conditional price, and firewood is brought to you. Here the servant reports to you that the peasant deceived you, that instead of firewood he has hay at the bottom, and not all spruce, but fifty pine logs and the same number of raw ones between them. The man begins to justify himself to you. He says that on the road his cart collided on a slope with the cart of a comrade who was also traveling with firewood. Firewood crumbled from both of them, and when folded into wagons, they got mixed up.

Don't believe it's a scam.

In the same way, do not believe his oath that he will bring you good firewood instead of defective firewood at the next market - he will certainly deceive you.

Go now to the dairy row. There you will be deceived by a woman.

He will sell you skimmed milk for whole and, moreover, fresh milk. And whole, lined with flour, for good cream.

Moreover, the woman will swear to you: “Burst my eyes so that I don’t leave the place, that for the feast of Christ she will not take such a sin into her soul in order to deceive.”

And definitely cheat.

In oats, for gravity, earth or sand is added, the wind, they say, caused when they threshed.

The inhabitants of the Yaransk district are lively and cheerful, which is not the case in other districts of the Vyatka region, where some kind of fatigue is noticeable, seasoned with laziness and inaction.

"Bulletin of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society", 1858, No. 11, p.111-113.

(3) According to Savinov:

“Woodworking has been developed among the peasants of the Vyatka district among the crafts. Hardly anywhere in Russia is it found on such a vast scale and, moreover, as diverse as in this district.

The proof of this is the Vyatka bazaars, especially in winter, where two-thirds of the peasants come with wooden products and furniture.

The Vyatka historian Veshtomov says that woodworking was brought to the Vyatka region by Novgorod natives, who probably came from the carpentry end of Novgorod. The art of woodworking and the resourcefulness of the peasants are remarkable among the Vyatchans. They found the best use for birch bark and sawdust.

They make birch bark canes from birch bark, passing inside its iron rod or rod. These canes are extremely beautiful and durable. They are beautiful in their originality and cheap.

Wood sawdust is used by Vyatka carpenters for caskets and other things. They shower them on the surface of things previously covered with a thick layer of glue. Then dried, leveled and varnished. Such products look like marble and are very beautiful. It's hard for someone who doesn't know what they're made of.

In some villages they are engaged in the manufacture of carts (according to the local fandaks) and sledges. They are prepared in the Kstinin volost, where up to 150 people are engaged in this, and each can prepare three carts or three sledges a week.

The wheels are made in the Troitskaya volost, where up to 200 people are engaged in dressing them.

Peasant root pipes are prepared in the villages of Kstininskaya, Pomzinskaya and Troitskaya volosts up to 30,000 pieces. Turned wooden candlesticks up to 10,000 pieces are also made there. All these turned products are painted with paint and varnished.

Another department of woodworking in the Vyatka district is furniture production. So, for example, up to 1,000 pieces of round card tables are prepared, up to 2,000 pieces of beds, and up to 3,000 chests. Part of the furniture is made in walnut or mahogany. Most of this furniture is pasted over with birch, sometimes Karelian.

The third section of furniture, which is the crowning achievement of Vyatchan art, is the property of very few peasant families. Professor Kittary wrote: “In the art of work, the elegance of form, in the value of pasting wood - the Trinity volost surpassed other places in the province. Between them there are such works that would with honor stand the strict judgment of the metropolitan taste. Here you can name the Kushev brothers, of whom one even made grand pianos in the workshop.

The Bakulev bell factory in the city of Slobodskoy produces 40,000 rubles worth of bells a year, of which 5.00 poods of copper is obtained from Siberia and the Irbit Fair at 10, 12 and 15 rubles per pood, and tin, through the Ustyug merchant Gribanov, from England. The bells are floated to the Nizhny Novgorod fair and sold to neighboring provinces, as well as to the Vyatka province.

Boilers for distilleries are made in the foundry of the Kosarev brothers and the Popovs' establishment. Copper utensils, candlesticks and other copper things are also made here. Cast-iron gratings, neck cast-iron and copper bells and bells differ. Bells and bells are cast up to 25,000 pieces.

Among the factory establishments of the city of Slobodsky is the workshop of elegant burl products of the merchant Makarov. It produces small cases, caskets, snuffboxes, eyeglasses and other small office items. The products of the workshop rise in price every year due to the increasing demands on them and are distinguished by special advantages over the works of other masters, both in the subtlety of work and in the hinge, which is the secret of master Makarov.

The entire factory industry of the city of Slobodsky extends annually to the amount of about 1,301,630 rubles. This figure is quite worthy of attention with a small population - 5920 inhabitants. Each of them accounts for up to 220 rubles of industrial activity, not counting a number of other crafts.

In trade with Arkhangelsk, the city of Slobodskoy also surpassed the city of Vyatka. Goods worth up to 1,249,375 rubles are shipped from Slobodsky.

There are two food and paper factories in the Sloboda district, owned by the Vyatka honorary citizen Ryazantsev and the Sloboda honorary citizen Platunov.

The paper of the Platunov factory is better than the paper of the Ryazantsev factory and is more widely used in the Vyatka region.

In order to achieve the present position of the factory, Platunov put in a lot of work. For this, knowledge was needed, which there was nowhere to acquire, because Platunov did not receive education either in higher or secondary educational institutions. But what do willpower and a noble thirst for knowledge not do?

Platunov devoted himself to the study of mechanics and mathematics. Not having good manuals in Russian, he decided to look for them in French, which he studied as self-taught, as well as mathematics. Having become acquainted with French works on mechanics, and seeing from them that there are many good works on mechanics in English, he decided to study English himself.

Having arranged a model of the factory he had conceived, Platunov, for its implementation, began to wander around the factories, where cast-iron cylinders and other necessary things would be cast for him. Having visited many factories and received refusals, he finally found the Tagil factories, where he was cast the required things under his supervision.

And now, after three years of hard work, the wonderful Platunov factory appeared.

Its device, in the main, is as follows: the washed and cut rags enter the vat, where it is rubbed by millstones driven by water. From the vat, the mass goes to an iron mesh (the mesh is obtained from England, because the quality of the Russian mesh is unsatisfactory), and then to a shaft covered with cloth, where, at the same time, it is assembled using another cylinder. From here, the mass goes to a hot cylinder, where the paper dries, is assembled completely and smoothed out. From this cylinder, the paper is already wound onto the cylinder, from which it enters the cutter and from there it is folded into stacks.

The cleanliness of the finish of the machine and the correct production, with the saving of time and effort, deserve full attention.

At the food and paper factory, Platunov arranged a drive for the production of cardboard. This cardboard worthy replaces the one imported from abroad in Moscow and St. Petersburg masters.”

"Bulletin of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society", 1860, No. 4 and 5.

(4) Here is what the famous researcher of nature and history of the Vyatka region Alexander Dmitrievich Fokin wrote:

“The village of Shestakovo in the Sloboda district, beautifully located on the slope of a wooded bank at the mouth of the Letka River, was once a city, which was first mentioned in 1546. Until now, traces of ancient churches and the so-called "sovereign granaries" in the form of earthen ramparts in place of foundations have still been preserved here.

According to an old legend, the city of Shestakov was founded at the end of the 15th century by settlers from Veliky Ustyug and adjacent cities of the Northern Territory, who were heading along Letka to Vyatka after its conquest by Grand Duke Ivan III in 1489. Natives of Veliky Ustyug also founded another of the most ancient cities of the Vyatka region - Slobodskaya.

The town of Slobodskoy was mentioned in 1505. In 1618, he began to be controlled by a governor and had his own district. The connection of the settlers with Veliky Ustyug was preserved even after the founding of the city of Slobodsky in the form of lively trade relations.

At the end of the XVIII early XIX century, the city of Slobodskoy was already a major trading center, trading through the Noshulskaya pier on the Luza River, a tributary of the Yug River, with the Arkhangelsk port. The main export items were bread, flax, leather goods and furs. Fur and leather production flourished here even then (the locally produced yuft was especially famous). A good commercial route to Noshul was arranged at the expense of the local merchants.

The valley of the Cheptsa River, always full-flowing, rich in fish and famous for beaver ruts in the 17th century, served as a very ancient route for Finnish and Russian colonization of the region. There are many Peipus settlements along it. On the Chepts, as well as in the upper reaches of the Kama, there were Bulgar (Arab) trading posts, which conducted a lively trade with the Middle East in the 8th century. Later, Votyaks settled here. Finnish colonization here was at that time from the upper reaches of the Kama. Along the Cheptse, Russian colonists came from the West in the 15th century.

10 km from the mouth of the Cheptsa, on the elevated right bank of the Vyatka, is the village of Nikulchino, the site of one of the first Russian settlements in the Vyatka. In the old days, there was a fortified Votskoye settlement here, from which a moat and an earthen rampart survived. In the local church of 1763, the icon of Boris and Gleb is kept, according to legend, brought here by the first Novgorodians or Ustyugians.

At the 14th km from the city of Vyatka, the Vyatka River makes a sharp turn to the north, resting on high banks, composed here of a variegated rukhlyak layer. At the foot of the bedrock bank, near the turn, there is a well-equipped sawmill (former Pastukhov) with four frames, built in 1915 and adapted specifically for harvesting export timber (formerly to Persia, now to England).

7 km from the city of Vyatka, up the river, is the village of Chizhi, located on a high bank, just at the place where the city of Khlynov was founded for the first time in the 14th century. Traces of the former settlement in the form of large pieces of mica, sometimes set in tin, crosses and various small things are common along the slope near this village in the subsoil layer.

Sloboda Kukarka was probably founded by foreigners before the arrival of the Russians. In ancient documents, it was first mentioned in 1609, when it was already a rich settlement, possessing forest lands, fishing and beaver ruts along the Pizhma River and its tributary Nemda. In the 18th century, Kukarka gradually acquired the importance of a large grain procurement center. In the 1900s, up to 3,000,000 poods (48,000 tons) of goods were sent through the pier here - more than through any pier on the Vyatka River.

Volga region. Nature. Gen. Economy. Guide to the Volga, Oka, Kama, Vyatka and Belaya. Under the editorship of Professor V.P. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky with the close participation of Professor D.A. Zolotarev and with the cooperation of engineer N.Ya. Gorshenov, Professor A.P. Ilyinsky, Chairman of the Board of the Volga State Shipping Company S.S. Neustrueva, M.D. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky, S.D. Sinitsyna, A.D. Fokina, I.D. Shubin and others. With 177 illustrations, 16 maps and 8 city plans. L., 1925, p. 483, 485-487, 497.

The Patriotic War of 1812 and the Crimean War of 1853-1856 had a great influence on Vyatka society. In the summer of 1812, on the initiative of the Russian public, the formation of the People's Militia began.

THE FIRST MENTION OF VYATKA IN THE CHRONICLES

Vyatka land has a rich history. It began to be populated in ancient times, apparently already in the Upper Paleolithic period (50-15 thousand years ago). Archaeological monuments of the Mesolithic, Neolithic, Bronze Age are known on the territory of the region. In the 7th century BC. The Iron Age began in the Vyatka basin. The Early Iron Age is represented here by the monuments of the Ananyino culture. Ananyinians belonged to the Finno-Ugric ethnic group. There is an assumption that they were called Tissagetes, which are mentioned by the ancient Greek historian Herodotus, who placed them to the northeast of the Scythians and Sarmatians. Monuments of this culture are known in large numbers on the lower and middle Vyatka and its tributaries: the Nagovitsyn settlement (Kirov), Pizhemskoye (near the city of Sovetsk), Krivoborskoye (near the village of Prosnitsa) and others.

In the second half of the 1st millennium AD. complex ethnic processes took place in the Vyatka basin. In the eastern part of the basin, the formation of the Udmurt tribes took place, in the western part the Mari tribes formed, in the north of the region - the Komi tribes. These tribes were formed on the basis of the Finno-Ugric linguistic community. But their settlements in the early Middle Ages were rare. Most of the territory was deserted and covered with virgin forests and swamps. The main occupations of the population were agriculture, domestic cattle breeding and hunting for fur-bearing animals.

At the end of the XII-beginning of the XIII centuries. Russians began to penetrate into the Vyatka basin, they settled on free lands among the Udmurts and Mari. In the second half of the XIII century. the influx of Russians to Vyatka increased in connection with the Mongol-Tatar invasion. The oldest Russian settlements are found in Vyatka between Kotelnich and Slobodskoy. Several Russian settlements arose here: Kotelnichskoye, Kovrovskoye, Orlovskoye, Nikulitskoye, Khlynovskoye, etc. The main part of the settlers went to Vyatka from Novgorod, Ustyug, Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod lands.

Vyatka was first mentioned in the annals under 1374 in connection with the campaign of the Novgorod ushkuins against the Volga Bulgaria, which at that time was part of the Golden Horde. "In the summer of 6882 (1374), the Ushkun robbers went down the Vyatka River, 90 Ushkians, and plundered Vyatka and went on to take the Bulgarians."

In the 70s. 14th century Vyatka land was part of the Nizhny Novgorod principality. In 1393 this principality was annexed to Moscow. Nizhny Novgorod princes after long struggle were forced to submit and received the Vyatka land as an inheritance. In 1411, the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod princes made a new attempt to regain their possessions, but were again defeated. The short-lived Vyatka principality was liquidated, the Vyatka land was transferred to the possession of Yuri Galitsky. Vyatchane actively participated in the Feudal War in the middle. 15th century on the side of his overlord Yuri Galitsky and his son Vasily Kosoy. The war ended with the victory of Vasily the Dark. Vyatchane were forced to recognize themselves as vassals of the Grand Duke of Moscow. In the 60s - early 80s. 15th century Vyatchane, together with the entire Russian people, fought against the Tatar khanates. In 1468 they took part in the campaign of Ivan III's troops against the Kazan Khanate. In 1471, when the Golden Horde Khan Akhmat was preparing a big campaign against Moscow, and the troops of Ivan III were busy fighting the Novgorod Republic, the Vyatchans under the command of Kostya Yuryev made a bold campaign against the capital of the Golden Horde - the city of Sarai. In 1478, the Vyatchans, with the help of the Ustyugians, repulsed the raid of Khan Ibrahim on Vyatka. During these years, the country was in the process of creating a single centralized state. In Vyatka, as in other lands, two groups formed. One, headed by K. Yuryev, supported the unifying activities of Moscow, the other advocated the preservation of the appanage-autonomist system. All R. 80s 15th century a fierce struggle unfolded between them, in which the anti-Moscow group won. In 1485, the Vyatka boyars refused to take part in the campaign against Kazan, conducted by Ivan III, concluding a separate peace with the Tatars. In response, the Moscow government sent a strong detachment to Vyatka under the command of the governor Yuri Shestak Kutuzov, but the Moscow army could not take Khlynov and returned back.

The Vyatka boyars expelled the Grand Duke's governor and declared Vyatka independent. Supporters of Moscow, led by K. Yuryev, were forced to flee from Khlynov. In 1489, Ivan III sent a 64,000-strong army to Vyatka. In July, Moscow troops captured Kotelnich and Orlov, and in the middle. August began the siege of Khlynov. The Vyatchanes were forced to capitulate, recognize the power of Ivan III and hand over their leaders. In 1490 Vyatka was "divorced". All boyars, living people, merchants were evicted to different places Moscow state, residents of Ustyug and other cities were resettled in their place.

ACCESSION OF THE VYATKA LAND TO THE SINGLE RUSSIAN STATE

The accession of the Vyatka land to a single Russian state had a progressive significance. Vyatka were considered lands along the middle course of the rivers Vyatka and Cheptsa, Arsk land; actually the territory of the future Vyatka district, part of Slobodsky (with the exception of Kai and its volosts), part of Glazovsky, an insignificant part of Nolinsky, as well as Orlovsky and Kotelnichsky counties. To the south of Kotelnich, as well as along the Suna and Voya rivers, the Meadow Mari lived. It contributed to the development of production forces, the growth of agriculture, industry and trade. Khlynov in the 17th century was the largest city in the north-east of Russia. The territory of the Vyatka land at that time was much smaller than the modern Kirov region. The southern regions were under the rule of the Kazan Khanate. The border position of the Vyatka region led to the fact that the Vyatchans had to take an active part in the fight against the Tatars. In 1542, the Kazan Tatars raided Ustyug the Great through the Vyatka land. When they returned with a lot of booty, the Vyatchane intercepted them at the mouth of the Moloma River and, after a hard fight, completely defeated the enemies. The Vyatka regiment participated in the campaign against Kazan in 1545, 1551-1552, against Astrakhan in 1554, 1556, in the "Cheremis War" of 1552-1557. Thus, the Vyatchans played a significant role in joining the Russian state of the entire Volga region from Nizhny Novgorod to the Caspian Sea. During the capture of Kazan by Ivan IV, the Malmyzh fortress appears; at the same time, Tsarevosanchursk, Yaransk, Urzhum were formed, as well as settlements and large villages: Kukarka (Sovetsk), Vyatskiye Polyany, Vsekhsvyatskoe (Yelabuga), Sarapul and others. In these "Ukrainian" cities for Vyatka, the population is increasing due to transfers from the Volga and other cities, due to Russified Mari. Fugitive peasants and Old Believers began to intensively populate these southern regions. The north and south of the Vyatka land lived relatively autonomously: the northern territories gravitated towards the Pomor centers (Russian North), and the southern territories towards the Ponizovs (Middle Volga region).

In the 16th century, Russians began to penetrate into the southern regions, which were not yet considered Vyatka proper and gravitated towards the Volga region. During this period of time, among all the territories of the Russian state, the Vyatka land occupied one of the first places in terms of the intensity of settlement and economic development. The surnames Vylegzhanina, Vychuzhanin, Luzyanin, Sysolyatin, Dvinyaninov, Kargopolov, Kargapoltsev, Mezentsev, Ustyuzhanin, Permyakov, Kholmogorov, Perminov testify to the great specific gravity among the alien population of immigrants from Primorye. The predominance of "new clearing" repairs testifies to the high rates of development. The influx of the Russian population led to the fact that the Udmurts left the western regions of the Vyatka land, concentrating in the basin of the river. Cheptsa and its tributaries. The gradual process of assimilation and Christianization also contributed to the change in the ethnic composition of the population of the western regions of the Vyatka region. The processes of Russification are also evidenced by a significant number of Russian peasants recorded in cadastral books with the characteristic surnames Votyakovs, Votintsevs, Novokreshenovs, Novokshonovs, Permyakovs, Chersmisins, Cheremisinovs, Chuvashovs, etc. Perm the Great and from the west - the territory of the Vyatka land. By the 90s of the 15th century, three areas of concentration of the Russian population had developed on the territory of the Udmurt Kama region: Sarapulsky, Karakulinsky and Yelabuga, at the end of the 16th century the Vyatskopolyansky region began to form. In the last quarter of the XVI century. Vyatka was obliged to supply bread to the Siberian Khanate, which had just been annexed to Russia, to supply military and service people settled in the newly built Siberian cities. In the 90s. Vyatka sent there annually 3260 quarters of bread (a quarter - 210 liters). At the end of the XVI century. monasteries began to appear in the Vyatka land. In 1580, Abbot Tryphon founded the first of them - the Assumption Monastery in Khlynov, which received the name Trifonov.

In the 30-50s. 16th century in the Vyatka cities there were popular unrest caused by exorbitant requisitions and abuses of the governors. A similar movement unfolded in many places in Russia. The government was forced to make concessions. Cities received "labial charters" that established elective government. The city of Slobodskoy received the first "mouth letter" in 1540. The rest of the cities of the Vyatka land received them two years later.

In 1557, the zemstvo system was finally introduced instead of the governorship. The local population began to choose zemstvo elders, slobodchiks, labial heads, customs kissers, village elders, sotsk, etc. The central government was represented by governors and elected city clerks, who exercised military and police leadership in the cities.

Under Boris Godunov, the Vyatka region for the first time became a place of exile for "disgraced" people objectionable to the tsar, V.N. Romanov, the uncle of the future tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, was exiled to Yaransk, and close relative Romanov Prince A. Repnin, another relative of the Romanovs, Prince I. B. Cherkassky, was exiled to Malmyzh.

By the end of the XVI century. in connection with the liquidation of the Siberian Khanate, the Vyatka land ceased to be the outskirts of the Russian state. She was now a link between the central, Volga, Pomeranian and Ural-Siberian regions.

"TIME OF TROUBLES "

In the "Time of Troubles" at the beginning of the XVII century. Vyatka land became the scene of a fierce struggle between the supporters of Tsar Vasily Shuisky and False Dmitry II, " Tushinsky thief"The siege of Moscow by the forces of False Dmitry II served as a signal for a mass uprising of Russian, Mari, Mordovian and Chuvash peasants in the Volga region. In January 1609, it spread to the Vyatka land. The rebels hoped to see a "good king" in the person of the impostor, counting on alleviating their lot Therefore, the rebels recognized False Dmitry I as tsar and practically acted together with the Tushino detachments, which were commanded in the Volga region by the famous Polish adventurer Lisovsky.The rebels occupied Tsarevosanchursk, Yaransk, Kukarka, Kotelnich. In December 1609, a detachment of tsarist troops under the command of P.I. Mansurov was sent to help him. At the same time, the Vyatchans, together with all the cities of the North, took an active part in the struggle against the Polish invaders settled in Tushino.

In March 1609, a zemstvo militia was formed in Vyatka, which moved to Vologda to join the militia of other cities. These detachments joined the troops of the young, talented Russian commander M.V. Skopin-Shuisky, which lifted the siege from Moscow and forced False Dmitry II to flee to Kaluga. The Vyatka regiment under the command of the governor P.I. Mansurov was part of the First People's Militia of 1611 under the leadership of P. Lyapunov, D. Trubetskoy, I. Zarussky. Subsequently, both of these groups of Vyatchans became part of the militia of Minin and Pozharsky. Vyatchane also took part in the work of the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 to elect a new tsar. Four of them signed the electoral list - they were Putilo Ryazantsev, the gunner Parmen Afanasiev, Archimandrite Jonah of the Trifonov Monastery and Archpriest Pavel of the Khlynovsky Cathedral. The 17th century entered Russian history as the Rebellious Age. Vyatka was no exception. In 1635 a major uprising broke out in Khlynov, in 1673 a similar uprising took place in Kaigorod. Strong unrest unfolded during the Peasants' War of 1670-1671. under the direction of Stepan Razin. In 1670, an immediate danger arose for the Vyatka region, when a large detachment of rebels led by I.I. Dolgopolov appeared in the Vetluzhsky region. Razintsy even managed to capture Tsarevosanchursk for a short time. Their scouts penetrated Yaransk, Orlov, Khlynov. All this caused extreme anxiety of the tsarist administration in Vyatka. Hastily, work was organized to strengthen the city of Yaransk and the approaches to it. Almost all weapons and ammunition from Orlov and Shestakov were brought to Khlynov. Only the defeat of the detachment of I.I. Dolgopolov by the governor Narbekov allowed the royal governors to breathe freely. Although Vyatka was still in the second half of the 16th century. ceased to be a border land, the government continued to take care of strengthening the city of Khlynov in this turbulent "rebellious" time. In 1668, a wooden wall with towers around the Kremlin was rebuilt in the city, a deep moat filled with water was dug, and an earthen rampart surrounding the settlement was built and expanded. Wooden walls with towers were also built on the Posad rampart. In the 17th century Khlynov was the largest city in the north-east of European Russia and was not much inferior to the central ones. In the middle of the XVII century. it had 4400 inhabitants. In 1656, an extensive Vyatka and Great Perm diocese was formed with the center in Khlynov. The beginning of its activities dates back to 1658, when the first bishop Alexander arrived in Vyatka.

First half of the 18th century in the history of Russia was the time of Peter's reforms. Critical importance for the Vyatka region had administrative reforms. In 1699, a reform of the city government was carried out. Zemstvo huts were organized in Vyatka cities, in which burmisters elected by the urban population sat.

The zemstvo huts were directly subordinate to the Moscow City Hall and were in charge of the urban economy and improvement, the collection of direct and indirect taxes, and court cases in the cities. Thus, the urban population was withdrawn from the power of local governors. According to the provincial reform of 1708-1710, the counties of the Vyatka region Khlynovsky, Kotelnichsky, Orlovsky, Slobodskoy, Shestakovsky and Kaygorodsky became part of the Siberian province, the southern counties - Yaransky, Urzhumsky, Tsarevosanchursky, Malmyzhsky - became part of the Kazan province, and the northern volosts - Lalskaya and Luzskaya - became part of the Siberian province. Arkhangelsk. In 1719, the Vyatka province was established as part of the Siberian province. In 1720, a new city reform took place, which significantly curtailed the rights of city self-government bodies - now they were in charge of only the city economy and landscaping. In 1721, there were 14,128 households in the Vyatka province. In 1727, the Vyatka province was transferred to the Kazan province. For the Vyatka region, this was of great importance, since it brought its northern regions closer to the southern ones, which historically gravitated towards each other economically and were interconnected by the river system of the Vyatka and Upper Kama basins. In the second half of the 18th century. in the Vyatka region, there were administrative-territorial changes associated with the provincial reform.

In 1780, the Vyatka governorship was formed with the center in Khlynov, which, on this occasion, was renamed the city of Vyatka by a special decree of Empress Catherine II. The vicegerency included the Vyatka province and the southern Vyatka districts from the Kazan province. There are 13 counties in total. New cities were formed - Glazov (previously the village of Glazovo), Nolinsk (previously the village of Noli) and Sarapul (the palace village). Established in 1708, the provinces were ruled by governors, who were subordinate to the county, and from 1719 - provincial governors. Vyatka province, transformed from viceroyalty, was directly controlled by the governor with his office and provincial government.

FORMATION OF THE VYATKA PROVINCE

In 1796, the Vyatka vicegerency was transformed into a province. Since 1798, there have been 31 governors in Vyatka. In 1802, the Kaisky and Tsarevosanchursky districts were liquidated. The city of Kaigorod turned into the village of Kai, Tsarevosanchursk became a provincial town, lost the status of a city and one of the oldest Vyatka cities - Shestakov, turned into the village of Shestakovo. In the Vyatka province, 11 counties remained: Vyatka, Orlovsky, Slobodskoy, Kotelnichsky, Nolinsky, Glazovsky, Sarapulsky, Yelabuga, Malmyzhsky, Urzhumsky, Yaransky, which existed until 1918. for two. On the territory of the Vyatka province, the diocese of Vyatka and Slobodskaya was formed.

Public life of the province in the first half of the XIX century. was closely connected with all-Russian political events and social movement. The Patriotic War of 1812 and the Crimean War of 1853-1856 had a great influence on Vyatka society. In the summer of 1812, on the initiative of the Russian public, the formation of the People's Militia began. The Vyatka province put 913 people into the people's militia. Vyatka militias participated in the battles near Dresden, Magdeburg, Glogau and ended their campaign near Hamburg. The heroine of the Patriotic War of 1812 N.A. Durova (1783-1866), a native of the Vyatka land, enjoyed universal fame in Russia.

The Vyatchans were no less active in defending the Russian land during the years of the Crimean War of 1853-1856. In the Vyatka province, a people's militia was formed, in which 19,602 people signed up. General P.A. Lanskoy, who arrived in Vyatka with his wife N.N. Lanskaya, the widow of the great Russian poet A.S. Pushkin, was appointed head of the militia. The organization of the militia proceeded slowly. At this time, the war was already coming to an end, the militia was stopped and disbanded to their homes.

REVOLUTIONARY UNDERSTANDING

Revolutionary unrest also affected students of educational institutions. On October 15, a strike began in the Vyatka Theological Seminary. Fearing a further expansion of the movement, the administration decided to close all educational institutions of the city from November 18, 1905. From December 8 to 18, a political strike of workers of the Vyatka railway workshops and railway lines took place. On December 18, in Vyatka, an armed clash took place between the squad of the peasant union and the soldiers sent to disarm them. To restore order in the province, instead of the former governor who had fled, a new one was sent - Prince S.D. Gorchakov, who began to actively eradicate sedition with the assistance of soldiers, police guards and Chechens from the Wild Division.

The Vyatka region was among the 33 provinces in which the Stolypin agrarian reform was carried out. The Vyatka peasantry was wary, and in some cases even hostile, towards government initiatives. By January 1, 1917, only 5% of households left the community, receiving 4.4% of communal allotment lands, which was significantly lower than the all-Russian indicators. An integral part of the reform of P.A. Stolypin was the resettlement of peasants beyond the Urals. For 1906-1914 127 thousand people moved to Siberia from the Vyatka province, at the same time 35,161 people returned back. The outbreak of the First World War and the economic ruin that accompanied it, the loss of breadwinners at the fronts contributed to the rapid growth of spontaneous revolutionary sentiments in the province.

On February 25, Vyatka received the first news from Petrograd about the overthrow of the tsar. By order of the Vyatka governor, the police seized official telegrams with detailed coverage of the events and the first steps of the new government. But already on March 2, Governor N.A. Rudnev recognized the authority of the Provisional Government. The city and zemstvo self-government bodies of Vyatka organized a security committee, which gradually took power into its own hands. On March 6, by order of the Provisional Government, Rudnev was removed from office and all the powers of the governor were transferred to the Provincial Commissar, who was appointed chairman of the provincial zemstvo council P.I. Pankov. The life of the province was in a fever, followed by a succession of election campaigns and elections - to city dumas, to volost, county, provincial zemstvos, and the Constituent Assembly. All of them took place in a typical assault.

The authorities, carried away by the electoral fever, cared very little about resolving the rapidly growing contradictions in society. When the first news came to Vyatka about the October Revolution that had taken place in Petrograd, the provincial authorities found themselves face to face with the intensified agrarian unrest, impending economic ruin and famine. mass demonstrations of workers, soldier riots. The decisive factor in the victory of the Bolsheviks in Vyatka was the transfer to their side of the garrison of Vyatka, primarily the soldiers of the 106th regiment, which made absolutely hopeless any attempt at armed resistance to the Bolsheviks. So the supporters of the Provisional Government had only to adopt resolutions, issue appeals, organize strikes of employees. The Bolsheviks, relying on the armed support of the soldiers of the 106th regiment, with the help of "flying detachments" from the center, arrested members of the Supreme Council created by the provincial zemstvo, members of the strike committee of an illegal officer organization, closed opposition newspapers, occupied and subjugated printing houses, an electric power station, water supply, telegraph and telephone. On January 5, 1918, the I Provincial Congress of Soviets took place, which confirmed the victory of the Bolsheviks in the province and elected new authorities.

CIVIL WAR AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION

The civil war and foreign intervention did not bypass the borders of the Vyatka province. Its territory was crossed by railway lines that opened the way to Moscow and Petrograd. The province had large stocks of grain. The Izhevsk Arms Plant, a number of metallurgical plants were located on its territory. Directly in the Vyatka region fighting began on August 8, 1918, when the Izhevsk and Stepanov uprisings broke out simultaneously in the south of the province, held under the slogan "For the Constituent Assembly". The rebels occupied Izhevsk, Votkinsk, Sarapul, Urzhum, Nolinsk, Yaransk, Sanchursk. But the Extraordinary Revolutionary Military Headquarters, created in Vyatka, which took full power in the province, and the Bolshevik Provincial Committee quickly managed to organize response actions. Already on August 17, a battalion formed from the Bolsheviks, youth, workers and the rural poor defeated the Stepanovites near Lebyazhye, and on August 20 the Red Army occupied Urzhum. The Stepanovsky rebellion was liquidated. In September, the Special Vyatka Division and other units of the 2nd Army of the Eastern Front launched an offensive against Izhevsk. On November 7, Izhevsk was taken by troops under the command of V.M. Azin. By mid-November 1918, the forces of the White Guards in the territory of the province were eliminated. In the spring of 1919, the Civil War front again passed through the territory of the Vyatka region. Kolchak's armies occupied Votkinsk, Sarapul, Izhevsk, Yelabuga. But already in May, the Red Army went on the offensive and by June 20, 1919, the territory of the province was completely cleared of Kolchak. On July 3, martial law was lifted and on July 28 the province ceased to be front-line. In 1921-1922. famine gripped the province. By the end of 1922, a typhus epidemic broke out in the province. Mortality in the region has doubled in these years.

The post-war period was accompanied by the restructuring of the life of the province on the basis of the new economic policy. The NEP in the province took place in a peculiar way. Freedom of trade, entrepreneurship, stimulation of the private sector, and other foundations of the New Economic Policy were not widely developed either in agriculture, where only the middle peasantry took place, or in industry. Vyatka province, as before the revolution, remained a backward agrarian part of Russia.

In January 1923, the country's first branch of the International Organization for Assistance to the Fighters of the Revolution (MOPR) began its activities in Vyatka. Members of the Vyatka branch of the MOPR took patronage over political prisoners in three prisons: in Germany, Lithuania and Poland. As of January 1, 1926, the Vyatka branch of the MOPR already had over 60,000 members.

In 1929, an administrative-territorial reform took place, the division of the country into provinces, counties and volosts was eliminated. Instead of them, a regional, regional and district department was introduced. Vyatka province was liquidated, and its territory became part of the Nizhny Novgorod region. The city of Vyatka became first a district and then a regional center. In 1929 in Nizhny Novgorod region and in the districts of the former Vyatka province that were part of it, complete collectivization began.

Renaming Vyatka to Kirov

On December 7, 1934, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a resolution on the renaming of the city of Vyatka into the city of Kirov and the formation of the Kirov Territory. It included the Udmurt Autonomous Region, 37 districts of the Gorky Region (formerly part of the Vyatka Governorate), as well as the Sarapulsky and Votkinsky Districts of the Sverdlovsk Region. In 1936, in connection with the adoption of the new Constitution, the Kirov Territory was transformed into the Kirov Region, and the Udmurt Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic separated from it.

In the pre-war troubled years, many Kirov residents participated in the defeat of the Japanese invaders at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin-Gol River and the White Finns. Participants in the battles in the Khalkhin-Gol area, pilot N.V. Grinev, major N.F. Grukhin became the first Kirovites to be awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. During these years, the activities of defensive public organizations intensified. In 1940, over 5,000 primary organizations of the societies for the Promotion of Aviation and Chemistry, the Red Cross, united about 200,000 members. They trained hundreds of shooting sports instructors, thousands of Voroshilov shooters and sanitary troopers. The Kirov flying club trained parachutists, glider pilots and accountants. Sports societies were actively working - Dynamo (established in the 1920s), Spartak and Lokomotiv (created in the mid-1930s). On June 23, 1941, a city-wide rally was held on Revolution Square in Kirov, in which 40,000 people took part. Mobilization into the ranks of the Red Army took place in the region. At the beginning of the war, the 311th and 355th rifle divisions, 109th Rifle Brigade and other formations. The Vyatka region gave many talented military leaders. Among them - marshals K.A. Vershinin, L.A. Govorov, I.S. Konev; Generals I.P. Alferov, N.D. Zakhvataev, P.T. Mikhalitsyn, A.I. Ratov, V.S. Glebov, D.K. Malkov, N.A. Naumov. All of them were awarded the title of "Hero of the Soviet Union". In total, over 200 Kirov residents were awarded this title during the war years, about 30 people became cavaliers of the Order of Glory of all three degrees.

The population of the Kirov region not only heroically worked in industry and agriculture, doing everything for a speedy victory, but also provided all kinds of assistance to the front. The population sent gifts and warm clothes to the veterans. At their own expense, the working people of the region purchased and sent to the front tens of thousands of sheepskin coats, pairs of felt boots, and fur mittens. With the money collected by the people of Kirov, several tank columns and squadrons of combat aircraft were built. During the war years, the defense fund received more than 150 million rubles. Kirov residents ardently cared for the wounded, as well as for the children and families of front-line soldiers evacuated to the region from Leningrad and other regions of the country. During the war, the people of Kirov rendered great assistance to the regions liberated from enemy occupation. The help of the Kirovites was especially significant in the restoration of Stalingrad, Donbass, Gomel, in rendering assistance to the rural areas of Kyiv, Smolensk, Leningrad regions, Byelorussian SSR. On May 9, 1945, a 50,000-strong rally on the occasion of Victory Day took place on Theater Square. During the war years, more than 600 thousand Kirov residents were in the Armed Forces of the USSR, 257.9 thousand gave their lives in the fight against enemies.

In the post-war years, the labor successes of the Kirovites were repeatedly highly noted by the government of the country. December 25, 1959 for success in the development of public animal husbandry, the fulfillment of socialist obligations for the production and sale of meat to the state in 1959

Russian Civilization

Early period(VII-XII centuries)
In the 7th-10th centuries, the first nationalities formed on the Vyatka land. These regions were located on the border of two worlds - East Slavic and Permian. By the beginning of the 2nd millennium A.D. e. the tribes of Mari, Udmurts and Komi were formed. Across the entire territory of the Upper Kama interfluve, a network of Udmurt settlements appears, concentrated around two centers - first the southern one (the right bank of the middle Kama), and then the northern one (the area between the Cheptsa River and the middle Vyatka), where the Udmurts moved, which later became the basis for the future city Khlynov.

Significant development in the settlements was given to home crafts: woodworking, the production of woolen and linen fabrics, fur products, iron and copper tools and weapons, pottery, bone products, women's jewelry, etc. The first craftsmen appeared, including metallurgists, casters, jewelers, blacksmiths, potters, and furriers.

Trade relations begin to develop, trade relations are established with Russia, the Khazar Khaganate and the Volga-Bulgarian Khanate. However, this trade was one-sided: foreign merchants, using the trade route known to them along the Kama and Vyatka, connecting the Volga region with the Urals and the lands of the North, penetrated into the settlements of the Udmurts and Mari and bought honey, furs, skins, wax and other goods from them in exchange for gold and silver items, weapons, silk fabrics and other valuables.

In socio-political terms, the process of decomposition of the patriarchal-tribal system began in these territories, tribal nobility began to form, property inequality arises, which marked the beginning of the formation of classes of feudal lords, peasants and serfs. Volga Bulgaria and Rus' had a great economic and cultural influence on the Mari and Udmurts.

Colonization of the Vyatka region, the foundation of the city of Khlynov (XII-XIV centuries)
The penetration of Russians into the Vyatka basin began in the second half of the 12th century, and especially intensified in connection with the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the middle of the 13th century. According to archeology, they were people from the southwest Kievan Rus and, possibly, the Rus from the territory of the Volga Bulgaria and the Vyatichi from the Oka. A little later, Russian settlers from Novgorod lands appeared on Vyatka, they came along the Northern Dvina, Molom, and also from the Vladimir-Suzdal principality along the Volga, Unzha, Vetluga to Moloy. Both streams of settlers fell on the middle Vyatka, and populated its banks from Moloma to Letka.

Local written legends speak of the arrival of two detachments of Novgorodians to Vyatka. According to legend, in 1181 a detachment of Novgorodians captured the “Bolvansky town”, which was inhabited by “Otyaks and Chuds”, which stood on the right bank of the Vyatka near the Cheptsa River, settled in it, and renamed it Nikulitsyn. Another detachment captured the town of Koksharov, renaming it Kotelnich. After an unnamed time, both detachments united and created the common city of Khlynov.

“And having chosen a beautiful place above the Vyatka River near the mouth of the Khlynovitsa River on a high mountain, which is now called Kikimorskaya, the place is convenient for the general settlement and glorious sources of water flowing from that mountain.
And by common agreement, in the appointed year, the people of the many Novgorodians came together on this mountain to begin to build a city to build a place and prepare wood for building a city. And in the morning, having risen, having found some kind of Divine providence, all the production was carried down the Vyatka River lower to a high, more spacious place and a wide field, which at that time was called the Balyaskovo field. Novgorodians, with all their retinue, praying to the Lord God and His Mother of God the Most Holy Theotokos for showing the place for the construction of the city, they send up praise and hymns of prayer singing. And in that place, at first, you set up a church in the name of the Exaltation of the honest and life-giving cross of the Lord and built a city and called it the Khlynov city of the river for the sake of Khlynovitsa.

Mass migration to the territory of the Vyatka region begins after the Tatar-Mongol invasion, people, fleeing the destructive invasion, moved further to the North. Soon a large number of immigrants from the Novgorod, Ustyug, Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod lands concentrated in the region. Craftsmen and warriors, they settled mainly in large cities and villages.

In 1374, a detachment of Novgorod ushkuyniks (robbers) on 90 ushkuy (large river boats) made a trip to the Volga Bulgaria, which at that time was part of the Golden Horde. After a successful raid on the capital of Volga Bulgaria - the city of Bulgar, the detachment was divided into two groups, one on 50 ships went down the Kama to the capital of the Golden Horde, the other moved up, robbing the local settlements of the Mari and Chuvash along the way, reached the mouth of the Vetluga River, here Novgorodians burned their ships and on horseback moved along the banks of the Vetluga to Vyatka, reached Khlynov, where they remained:

“In the summer of 6882 (1374), the Ushkun robbers went down the Vyatka River, 90 Ushkians, and robbed Vyatka and went to take the Bulgarians.”

Much indicates that part of the Ushkuiniki settled in Vyatka, although there is no reason to attribute to them the beginning of the Russian colonization of the region.

1378-1489.
In 1378, through the mediation of the Vyatka diocese, under an agreement between the Vyatka nobility and the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod prince Dmitry Konstantinovich, the Vyatka land formally became his fiefdom. In 1383, after the death of the prince, an internecine war for inheritance broke out in the Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod principality between the sons of the deceased prince Semyon and Vasily (nicknamed Kirdyap) on the one hand, and their uncle Prince Boris Konstantinovich, who owned Nizhny Novgorod as a vassal of his brother, on the other hand. another. Ultimately, Boris Konstantinovich got the principality of Nizhny Novgorod, while Semyon and Vasily retained the principality of Suzdal and the Vyatka land.

In 1391 Grand Duke Vasily I of Moscow obtained from the Khan of the Golden Horde Tokhtamysh a label for reigning in the Principality of Suzdal-Nizhny Novgorod and annexed its territory to Moscow. And if Nizhny Novgorod itself betrayed its leader, Boris Konstantinovich, who was unpopular among the people, then the Suzdal princes made a controversial challenge to Moscow. They managed to get help from the new Khan of the Golden Horde, who replaced Tokhtamysh, who was expelled from there by the famous conqueror Tamerlane. Khan sent them a Tatar regiment led by Khan Eityak. Despite this, the Suzdal princes suffered a complete defeat, and by agreement with Vasily I, the Suzdal principality was annexed to Moscow, and Semyon Dmitrievich and Vasily Kirdyapa retained the Vyatka land. Both of them died soon after. Vasily I annexed Vyatka to Moscow, and handed it over to his brother Yuri Dmitrievich, who owned the Galician principality.

After the death of Vasily I in 1425, his son Vasily II received the throne of Moscow, although, by the right of tribal seniority, the brother of the late Yuri Dmitrievich Galitsky was supposed to receive Moscow, a conflict was brewing between the Galician and Moscow princes. Hostilities continue for 20 years (from 1432 to 1453). After the death of Yuri Dmitrievich in 1434, his sons Vasily Kosoy schlzlivpipiipi and Dmitry Shemyaka continued his work. Vyatka regiments were the main support of the Galician princes (campaign of 1436.

In 1452, the Galician group was defeated, the city of Galich was destroyed by Moscow troops, Vasily and Dmitry Yurievich died. Vyatka boyars and merchants take power in Vyatka, the zemstvo (elected) voivode Yakov becomes the mayor, in 1455 a wooden Kremlin with wide earthen ramparts and a moat is built in Vyatka, called Khlynov along the Khlynovitsa river, which flows nearby. Construction was completed two years later.

In 1457, Grand Duke Vasily II sent his army against Khlynov, but they failed to take the new fortified Kremlin, and two months later the army retreated back to Moscow. In 1459, Vasily makes a second attempt to capture the city, after a long siege, the Khlynovites decided to surrender. Vyatka land became part of the Moscow principality, but retained the local elected administration under the supervision of the Moscow governor. In 1489, a huge 60,000-strong army was sent to Vyatka, independence was eliminated, part of the population (the best people) was taken to Moscow. The region, divided into counties, was ruled by sent governors: Slobodskoy, Khlynovsky, Orlovsky and Kotelnichsky. However, for about a hundred years, Vyatka partially retained its former freedoms. Vyatchane participated in military campaigns against Kazan and other opponents of Moscow.

The general picture of the emergence and spread (ethnogenesis) of the Slavs and, in particular, Russians, according to generally accepted opinion, is as follows. The Slavs, as tribes with specific cultural and linguistic properties, arose on the Danube, in the south of present-day Poland, or on the Dnieper.

1.traditional look

The general picture of the emergence and spread (ethnogenesis) of the Slavs and, in particular, Russians, according to generally accepted opinion, is as follows. The Slavs, as tribes with specific cultural and linguistic properties, arose on the Danube, in the south of present-day Poland, or on the Dnieper. They appeared on the historical arena at the beginning of the 1st millennium AD. During the Great Migration of Nations, they played a secondary role, but still took part in the destruction of the Western Roman Empire. According to some reports, the Vandals were Slavs or half-Slavs, half-Germans. In the cataclysms of the stormy IV and V centuries, many peoples disappeared. The Slavs occupied the habitats of some of them, assimilating the surviving inhabitants. By the 7th-8th centuries, they occupied the lands of the current Slavic states of Central Europe, the north (forest and forest-steppe part) of Ukraine, part of Belarus, the Pskov region and Novgorod land, part of the upper Dnieper region. In the interfluve of the Volga and Oka, they lived along with the Baltic tribe of golyad and Finno-Ugrians.

The Finno-Ugric peoples speak the Finno-Ugric languages, one of the two branches of the Uralic family of languages. The Finno-Ugric branch is divided into language groups: the Baltic-Finnish (Finnish, Votic, Estonian, etc.) and the Sami adjacent to it; Volga-Finnish (Mordovian and Mari); Permian (Komi-Zyryansky, Komi-Permyak, Udmurt); Ugric (Hungarian, Mansi, Khanty).

The Baltic peoples (Balts) are the speakers of the Baltic languages. The Baltic languages ​​are a group of languages ​​of the Indo-European family, these include Latvian, Lithuanian and Latgalian, as well as the extinct Prussian, Yatvyazh and others. They are closest to the Slavic group of languages; some researchers combine the Baltic, Slavic and Paleo-Balkan languages ​​(the languages ​​of the pre-Greek population of the Balkan Peninsula, the islands of the Aegean Sea and M. Asia) into one branch of the I.-European family. The Lithuanian language is considered the most archaic of all Indo-European languages ​​- i.e. closest to the Proto-Indo-European language-base.

The rest of the forest area of Eastern Europe and Western Siberia were inhabited by Finno-Ugric peoples. Approximately in the middle of the 1st millennium AD. there was a division of the Slavs into eastern, southern and western. In the VIII century, the first East Slavic states arose - on the middle Dnieper and in the north-west in the Volkhov region. In the following centuries, the Eastern Slavs, who received the general nickname Rus, conquered the surrounding peoples, filling the space with themselves. future Russia. The majority of the Finno-Ugric population, and then the Siberian (including the Ugric) were assimilated, leaving only isolated islands in the territories of the present-day autonomous republics. So the Russians reached the Pacific Ocean by the middle of the 17th century.

River basin Vyatka was inhabited by Finno-Ugric tribes - the ancestors of the Mari, Udmurts and Komi. Russians began to appear on these lands in the XII century in separate groups, which is evidenced by archeology. The first mention of Vyatka in Russian chronicles dates back to 1374: "Ushkuiniki ... plundering Vyatka."

Ushkuiniki (from the Old Russian ushkuy, a river boat with oars), Novgorod detachments (up to several thousand people), formed by the boyars to seize land in the north and carry out trading and robber expeditions on the Volga and Kama in order to enrich themselves and to fight political and commercial opponents. Appeared in the 20s. 14th c. The social composition of U. was very complex. U.'s campaigns undermined the economic resources of the Golden Horde, but at the same time caused damage to cities and hindered the development of trade along the Volga and Kama. In 1360, the Ukrainians, led by the boyar Anfal Nikitin, captured the city of Zhukotin on the Kama. In 1366 they attacked Nizhny Novgorod and killed many Tatar and Armenian merchants. In 1371 they made predatory raids on Kostroma, Yaroslavl and others, in 1375 they defeated the Kostroma army, plundered Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod and reached Astrakhan, where they were defeated by the Tatars. At the beginning of the 15th century In connection with the strengthening of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, U.'s campaigns ceased. (TSB).

A more detailed story about the settlement of the Vyatka land is given by the so-called. "The Tale of the Vyatka Country", compiled on the basis of once, perhaps, existing Vyatka chronicles or legends and preserved in the lists of the 18th century. According to the "Tale", the Novgorod autocrats came to Vyatka in 1174 (as it is written, during the reign of Yaroslav Vladimirovich) and discovered near the mouth of the Cheptsa "Bolvansky" town, inhabited by Chud and Otyaks (in other lists - Ostyaks). They captured this city in a difficult battle, calling for help the holy martyrs Boris and Gleb and Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky. The Novgorodians named the conquered city Nikulitsyn "for the sake of the Nikulichanka River". At this place, near the village of Nikulitsyno, there is indeed a large settlement with several cultural layers. The upper one dates back to the 14th century AD, the lower one - to the 5th century BC. In addition, another detachment of Novgorodians captured the Cheremis city of Koshkarov, which "now is called Kotelnich."

After consulting, the Novgorodians decided to build a new city between these two cities, which they called Khlynov, “for the sake of the Khlynovitsa River”, near the mouth of which it was founded. In the future, Nikulitsyn, apparently, fell into disrepair, and Khlynov and Kotelnich (after some time the city of Orlov joined them) grew and developed, settled by Novgorodians, participated in Moscow civil strife, fought with the Tatars and were quite satisfied with their position until they fell under power of the Moscow Grand Duke. On this, in fact, the history of free Vyatka ends, since it has already entered the history of Muscovite Rus'.

In 1781, Catherine II renamed Khlynov into Vyatka (since 1934 - Kirov).

It is also remarkable that Chud and “Otyaks” are not mentioned in connection with Vyatka in other sources. However, it is known from the legends that the Chud went underground. And Otyaks are, apparently, Votyaks, Udmurts. The villages inhabited by them remained on the eastern and southeastern outskirts of the Kirov region. There are quite a lot of Maris (Cheremis) and Tatars in the southern regions. The rest of the indigenous population was, apparently, successfully and in a short historical period assimilated or quietly destroyed by the Novgorodians.

It must be said that information from The Tale of the Vyatka Country was used by Karamzin and Kostomarov, and the latter presented it as facts from the Vyatka chronicles. With the light hand of venerable historians, they still wander through historical works. Kostomarov once remarked: "There is nothing in Russian history darker than the fate of Vyatka ...". After 135 years, the American source historian Daniel Waugh answered him caustically, but rightly: “Kostomarov himself did not make the history of Vyatka less “dark”, since he basically only repeated information from the famous “Tale of the Vyatka Country” in her “ Tolstoy "variant" (71).

At the beginning of the 20th century, The Tale of the Vyatka Country was subjected to careful analysis and critical analysis by Vyatka local historians, among whom A.S. Vereshchagin (45). It was established that it was written no earlier than the end of the 17th, but most likely in the 18th century. The Tale contains many historical absurdities. In the XII century, for example, there were no large-scale campaigns of the Ushkuyns, otherwise meticulous chroniclers would have definitely recorded this. These are the realities of the XIV century, caused by the weakening of the Golden Horde, whose military-political area included Northern Rus'. Of course Russian state then it wasn't strong enough. There were no Cheremis settlements on the site of Kotelnich and in general in this area, neither according to written nor archaeological sources. And what is the name - Koshkarov? Maybe - Koksharov? There was such a city, really in the Cheremis places, but on the Volga, 250 versts south of Kotelnich. Named after the river B. Kokshaga. There was also Tsarevokokshaysk (now Yoshkar-Ola) on M. Kokshaga. There is also the Kokshenga River, but it is already 350 versts north-west of Kotelnich. It seems that the author of the Tale "heard a ringing", and even he conveyed it inaccurately.

There is such an episode in the "Tale": the Novgorodians wanted to put the city of Khlynov upstream, where the Trifonov Monastery is now. They prepared the forest, but the Vyatka that overflowed its banks carried the forest a mile below. They set up a city there. Critics have noticed that this is a walking legend: about the same stories are told about different cities. And so on.

But, having subjected the "Tale of the Vyatka Country" to derogatory criticism, the researchers left this source in scientific use: after all, if you discard the "Tale", then there will be almost nothing left at all! I had to draw the following conclusion: factology, probably, is still more or less reliable, since it remained in the historical memory of the Vyatchans. It's just that the author of The Tale mixed up the year. He wrote the year 6682 (1174), and the first mention of Vyatka in Russian chronicles dates back to 6882 (1374) (the Ushkuiniki campaign). So, a typo in the second digit, change the number, and everything will be fine! It turned out like Pasternak: “What, dear, do we have a millennium in the yard?”! Just think, they were mistaken for a couple of centuries!

Chief historiographer of Vyatka prof. Emmaussky accepted and spread the concept of authenticity of the "Tale" with a change in dating (by 200 years) of the campaign of the Novgorodians. There is one problem left. In the "List of Russian cities near and far", compiled at the end of the XIV century, after Nizhny Novgorod and Kurmysh on the Sura, there is the city of Vyatka. The city of Vyatka is mentioned both in chronicles and in treaty documents of that time. And in the "Tale of the Country of Vyatka" nothing is said about the city of Vyatka, but only about the Chud-Otyak Bolvansky (Nikulitsyn), Cheremis Koshkarov (Kotelnich) and Novgorod Khlynov. Emmaussky brilliantly resolved this contradiction, as if forgetting about the mythical Bolvansky and Koshkarov (here we believe the Tale, but here we don’t?) and adding a fourth element to the triad of names of the main city (Khlynov - Vyatka - Kirov). It turned out Vyatka - Khlynov - Vyatka - Kirov (81, 82 and other works).

The city on the Vyatka River, Emmaussky wrote, was alone. At first it was called Vyatka. Its basis can be considered the year 1374 (from the formula: 1374=1174+200). In the middle of the 15th century, a fortress called Khlynov was built on the territory of the city of Vyatka, and then this name replaced the original name of the city. At the same time, the cities of Kotelnich and Orlov were founded downstream on the Vyatka River. The first mentions of these three cities in Russian chronicles date back to 1457-1459. Later, the cities of Sloboda (Slobodskoy) and Shestakov were founded upstream. And already in the 16th century, the fortress cities of Tsarevosanchursk, Yaransk, Urzhum and Malmyzh were set up on the Mari lands.

This historical concept has become official, it is used to calculate the age of the city of Kirov, it is set out in textbooks and is taken as the basis for subsequent historical research. Once again I will briefly formulate its essence: the Vyatka land was inhabited by Finno-Ugric tribes, the ancestors of the Mari, Udmurts and Komi. Separate groups of Russians penetrated Vyatka starting from the 12th century. The Novgorodians came to Vyatka at the end of the 14th century, defeated the native Finno-Ugric peoples - Chud, "Otyaks" and Cheremis - and founded the city of Vyatka (later Khlynov). Then an intensive Russian colonization of the region began, the basis of which was laid by the Novgorod ushkuyniki. In the first 115 years of its existence, Vyatka enjoyed a certain “independence”, but after the campaign organized by Ivan III, it became part of the Moscow centralized state. The peoples who inhabited it underwent peaceful assimilation and retained their national identity only along the edges of the region.

This generally accepted historiography is not accidental. It fits into the general context of the “conquistador” theory of the development of the East European plain: detachments of ushkuiniks or hero princes set up cities, and then crowds of peasants come and develop the lands previously occupied by dark natives (in this case, Finno-Ugric peoples). The same concept is adopted by the historiography of national autonomies: they are the historical masters, and the Russians are newcomers-colonizers. In essence, this is an extrapolation of the development of Siberia to more early time and nearby area.

2.Sources of traditional historiography

In this part of our work, we confine ourselves to considering the historiography of the Vyatka land. And let's take a closer look at the sources on which it is based. As the modern historian Sergei Tsvetkov aptly put it, “other scientific theories look like a successful businessman with a dark past, into which it is worth looking into before doing any business with such a person.”

Source No. 1 is the Tale of the Vyatka Country, which we have already written about. But in this "tale" there is also the first part (45a), which modern publishers usually discard. It talks about the origin of the Russian people, which the Novgorodians personify, almost from the creation of the world. For today's ideas, it is completely fantastic, but it fits perfectly into the commonplace, however, then already provincial mythology of the beginning of the 18th century, when history as a science in Russia was still in its infancy.

Probably, all countries and peoples have similar compositions. Their goal is to ennoble the rulers, the elite or ethnic groups, deriving their origin from more or less worthy ancestors and as ancient as possible: from Adam, Perun or Alexander the Great. In this case, we are dealing with a regional version of such a “history”, which traces the origin of the free Vyatka from autocratic Novgorod. Its author, according to Wo, Semyon Popov, deacon of the Epiphany Cathedral, who later held the elective position of steward Khlynov, also pursued, in a certain sense, political, opposition goals. Judging by the content of the "Tale", it can be assumed that many mythologems fell into the environment of the Khlynov clergy, along with the monks from the Novgorod monasteries, during the difficult times for the Novgorod brethren of Ivan the Terrible. Apparently, legends were retold in the monastery about who the Novgorodians came from, and on the other hand, there were stories about impudent autocrats, drawn, perhaps, from the annals, but got to the author only in oral form through third parties. Only this can explain the anachronisms associated with the most famous princes. After all, Alexander Nevsky, whom the Novgorodians called for help in 1174, was born only around 1220, and in those days his dad was not even in the world. And the action itself takes place allegedly in the time of Yaroslav Vladimirovich. There were two well-known princes with that name: the Wise and Osmomysl, but both lived long before Alexander (he was the great-great-great-great-grandson of the first, and the grand-nephew of the second), so it will not be possible to synchronize the various pieces of the Tale. The preface itself, according to Wo, is an abbreviation of the well-known text "The Beginning of the Great Slovensk."

But the author was well aware of the Nikulchinsk settlement. Even in the 19th century, before systematic excavations began, the remains of the fortifications of the ancient city were clearly visible. So, there is an ancient ruined city, there is an existing city of Khlynov, foreigners lived on Vyatka land (everyone knows this), in ancient times Novgorodians scurried around here (they say it is written in the annals), and then - forward, pen!

Toponymic research is not alien to the author of the Tale, which speaks of his remarkable imagination. For example, the city of Nikulitsyn is named “for the sake of the Nikulichanka River”, and the city of Khlynov is named “for the sake of the Khlynovitsy River” (although, of course, on the contrary, based on the semantics of the bases and the morphological structure of these toponyms). Where is Khlynovica from? When the Novgorodians sailed up to its mouth, birds flew over the river and shouted: “Hly! Fuck! Hly!"...

Of course, "The Tale of the Vyatka Country" is a valuable literary monument, a work of a talented PR man of the era Russian Renaissance, according to which you can study the provincial culture of the time of Peter the Great. As for the realities of the XII or XIV century, it must be admitted that its author had a very vague idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthat time and the events that took place then. If he was based on some legends, then they could either refer to another time, or to another place, or be a figment of fantasy. It is unacceptable to use The Tale of the Vyatka Country as a source of historical information, because this not only distorts reality, but, in the absence of other facts, creates a pseudo-reality, a myth that prevents the establishment of historical truth.

Source No. 2 - Russian chronicles, texts of treaties and other written documents of the era. There is no doubt about the authenticity of the synchronous chronicles, with some exceptions. Unfortunately, there is not a single record about the Vyatka land before 1374. Records at the end of the 14th century are extremely laconic, such as "Ushkuns plundered Vyatka."

Source No. 3 - archaeological excavations. The trouble with archeology is that, in the absence of written sources, it can by itself say nothing or almost nothing about the ethnicity of representatives of archaeological cultures, and most importantly, about their language. She needs more information. With the inaccuracy of such data, the conclusions of archeology will be just as inaccurate.

As for the archaeological cultures of northeastern Europe, here their ethnic interpretation is considered simple: if the culture is local, then it means that it is comparable with the Finno-Ugric or Samoyedic ethnic groups.

Samoyedic peoples, the general name of the peoples who speak Samoyedic languages ​​- the Nenets, Enets, Nganasans and Selkups. The Samoyedic languages ​​are the second branch (along with Finno-Ugric) of the Uralic family of languages.

This is accepted a priori, because "there have always been Finno-Ugric peoples here."

So, in the archaeological study of the region, it is necessary to remove the plaque of mythology, rethink the ethnicity of archaeological cultures, relying only on reliable sources. But first, to remove all unsubstantiated identifications of archaeological cultures with ethnic groups.

It must be admitted that the territory of the Kirov region has been studied very poorly in archaeological terms. Even at the most famous objects, either only the upper layers or a small part of the area have been excavated. IN Lately excavations were carried out by various expeditions (Glazov, Izhevsk, Perm, etc.) and are not properly systematized and, moreover, not comprehended by historians.

And in the end, what do we have in the history of the XIV century and more ancient, in the ethnic history of the region, after discarding unreliable sources and myths? Almost nothing. Blank sheet. It is on this blank slate that the history of Vyatka and the entire northeast of the European part of Russia is to be written. And there are opportunities for this, as we will see in the future.

3.Research directions

3.1.Written sources

It is necessary to re-analyze written sources relating not only to Vyatka, but also to neighboring regions. Of course, the sources are very meager, but a view free from myths can draw something from them.

3.1.1. Russian chronicles and other documents.

They have been studied up and down and seem to contain negligible information about the territories under consideration. All the more valuable every word. It must be taken into account that the absence of information about any subject is also information.

For example, the first mention of the Kama River in Russian chronicles apparently dates back to 1324, of Vyatka (area) - certainly only 1374, although even in the most ancient chronicles there is information about more remote northern lands and peoples up to the Trans-Urals (Yugra and Samoyed). But the Kama is the largest river in Europe, the Vyatka River is also not a stream, and the rivers at that time were the main transport routes. Maybe there were no connections? No, there have been connections since ancient times.

In the layers of the 7th century (!) on the territory of Finland, according to the Finnish researcher Aarni Erya-Esko, a number of ornaments were discovered, such as neck torcs and brooches, originating (along with the Volga-Oka) from the Volga-Kama interfluve, where, according to in his words, “an ancient and vibrant culture existed in this era” (85, p. 170). “The travels of the Kama fur suppliers and merchants,” says Erya-Esko, “reached Finland as well.”

In the Baltic, "the spread of bracelets and torcs of the Permian type from the 8th century" was noted. Treasure of the 9th century on about. Rügen (Baltic Sea) “contained ... a fragment of the Permian bracelet of the so-called. "Glazov type" (J. Herrmann. 76, p. 80). Note that Glazov is located in the Vyatka basin.

You can not talk about the closer Slavic North-West (future Novgorod land), where there are a lot of such finds.

Reverse processes were also observed. For example, in excavations dating back to the Fatyanovo culture, which also included Vyatka (II millennium BC), numerous amber items from the Baltic coast were found.

It is curious that in two places in Europe the cult of the iron arrow was witnessed: in the city of Volin on the coast of the Baltic Sea (mixed Celtic, Germanic and West Slavic population, “Wends”) and in Vyatka, and in our country this cult even penetrated Orthodox rituals (religious processions with a cult arrow). This fact was noted by S. Tsvetkov (78, p. 370).

Undoubtedly, there were ancient connections between the Northeast and the Northwest. But from the beginning of chronicle writing until 1324 and until 1374, respectively, the Kama and Vyatka do not seem to exist for the chroniclers. This absence is also a kind of fact that can give a lot for understanding the processes that took place in the North.

Another example. One of the chronicles says: “The tale of Gyuryata Rogovich of Novgorod: I sent my youth to Pechora, people who are the essence of tribute to Novgorod; and my youth came to them, from there I went to Yugra; Yugra people have a German language and neighbor with Samoyed in midnight countries ”(Laurentian Chronicle. L. 85a middle. 27. Ss. 234-235).

Pechora, Yugra and Samoyed are ethnonyms here. The first two peoples in the text have brief characteristics, which make them remarkable for the chronicler:

Pechora - people who pay tribute to Novgorod;

Yugra - people whose language is dumb (incomprehensible).

But after all, opposite characteristics also follow logically from this opposition:

Pechora - their language is understandable;

Ugra - they don't give tribute.

Doesn't this mean that the language of the Pechora is not Finno-Ugric, as it is commonly believed a priori, but close to the chronicler - Slavic or Baltic (about the Balts - golyad or Lithuania - it was never written "the language of it", at that time the differences between the Baltic and Slavic languages ​​were less, Yes, and constant contacts allowed, apparently, to understand each other)?

It is almost obvious (and there are no other opinions) that the chronicle Pechora lived on the banks of the Pechora River. A cursory glance at the hydronymy (names of rivers) of the Pechora basin shows that in the middle and lower reaches of the Pechora there is a large layer of hydronyms of Indo-European origin, including the name of the main river. It is curious that both in the Pechora basin and in the Vyatka basin, there are numerous hydronyms with the formant -ma, up to the coincidence of names (the Pizhma river, the left side of the Pechora avenue, and the Pizhma river, the Vyatka avenue). For the etymology of hydronyms na-ma, see below. And in general, the names of all the major rivers of the North-East and adjacent regions of Siberia are Indo-European: Northern Dvina, Mezen, Pechora, Ob. Moreover, many Finno-Ugric peoples adopted precisely these names (for example, Dvina among the Karelians Viena - with a discarded “d”, Mezen among the Komi “Mozyn”, Pechora - “Petshera”, Ob - “Ob”, while among the Nenets - “Sale` ”), and they are not explained from the Finno-Ugric languages. This suggests that some Indo-European tribes also lived in the Far North, whose language was understandable to Novgorod travelers, and the chronicle Pechora is one of them.

Thus, the lapidary information of the chronicle, confirmed by other sources, becomes telling.

Equally important as a material for logical interpretations are early information on geography, such as the "List of Russian cities far and near" (XIV century) and "The Book of the Big Drawing" (description of the XVII century maps of the XVI century), but more on that will be said below.

3.1.2. Arabic, Persian and Khazar sources.

Strange as it may seem at first glance, they can give more information about the north-east of Europe in the 10th-14th centuries than the Russians.

The silence of the Russian chronicles of that time about the Kama and Vyatka lands can be explained by the ethnic (passionary) strengthening of the Cheremis, who actually broke the ties between the Northeast and the centers of Russian statehood, where chronicles were written. The Maris (Cheremis), according to hydronymy, have long lived in the Vyatka-Vetluzh interfluve (probably, this nation arose at the end of the 1st millennium AD, although their ethnogenesis is very vague). In the 10th or 11th century, information about the Cheremis appeared in Russian chronicles, which may indicate their activation. The overland route from the region of Nizhny Novgorod to Vyatka was impassable even in the 17th century due to the "theft" of the Cheremis in the Vyatka-Vetluzh interfluve. Even at the turn of the millennium, they apparently occupied the meadow (northern) bank of the Volga, and the Mordovians - the mountain (southern), and the militancy of both peoples is widely reflected in Russian written sources.

The north-western route through the basin of the Northern Dvina (the Yug River - the Moloma River, Vyatka Ave.) was blocked either by the Cheremis or by another, unknown Finno-Ugric people, who left behind an area of ​​hydronyms with the formant -south. Perhaps it was the chronicle Chud Zavolochskaya.

The appearance of Vyatka in the Russian chronicles can be explained by the unblocking of this route through the Yugo-Molomsky passage, which most likely did not happen due to the Novgorod ushkuyniki; they were simply the first to take advantage of it, or, more likely, the first to enter the annals. The main factor was the strengthening of Veliky Ustyug and the laying of a number of towns up the Yug River (Orlov, Osinovets, Sosnovets, etc.).

But if the population of Vyatka and Kama had no ties with Novgorod and Vladimir-Suzdal Rus, this does not mean that they had no ties with the civilized world at all.

Rivers were the main transport routes in the forest zone. It is worth looking at the map of the East European Plain, as the largest river "transport hub" immediately catches the eye - the confluence of the Kama and the Volga. From the west, the Volga flows to it, from the north - Vyatka, from the northeast - the Kama, which absorbs the Ural rivers, and the full-flowing Itil (Lower Volga) flows to the south. At the mouth of the Itil there was a powerful state - the trading and financial center of the middle of Eurasia - the Jewish Khazaria, from which the direct route along the Caspian Sea led to ancient Persia. At the confluence of the Kama with the Volga, nature itself intended to create a shopping center - and it did. It was Kama (or Volga) Bulgaria.

With whom was the population of Vyatka to trade? Through two portages with Novgorod or directly with Bulgaria, having access through Bulgaria to the rich Arab markets? The answer is clear.

Novgorod merchants did not meddle with Vyatka and Kama, although they reached Siberia through the Far North. According to the then concepts, apparently, this was not their zone of influence, it was bypassed.

The idea of ​​close ties between Vyatka and Bulgaria is not new. It was put in the basis of toponymic research by the famous Vyatka local historian D.M. Zakharov (18, 19), which, in my opinion, even somewhat exaggerates the influence of Bulgaria and the Bulgarian language on Vyatka. But the written sources associated with Bulgaria, in terms of reflecting in them information about Vyatka, the Upper and Middle Kama, seem to have not been studied.

Bulgaria was well known in Persia, Khorezm and the Arab world, its main exports were slaves and furs. But Bulgaria itself, of course, did not "produce" these goods. Furs from the west could not come to Bulgaria in large quantities: the Suzdal and Novgorod people themselves scoured after them in the north almost to the Yenisei. Furs had to come from the north or from the northeast, i.e. along Vyatka and Kama. Back in the 1st millennium BC. the confluence of the Kama and the Volga, Vyatka, Kama and the more northern Vychegda were part of the same area of ​​culture - the Ananyino. That is, the ties there were long and strong - going back centuries. This is confirmed by archeology not only according to Ananyino, but also according to a later time.

In Bulgaria, they could not have been unaware of the Vyatka River, which flows into the Kama a hundred and fifty miles from its capital, the city of Bulgar, and of the Vyatka region, adjacent to Bulgaria from the north. Bulgar cities were located directly near the mouth of the Vyatka (for example, the so-called Devil's settlement, 62). Unfortunately, there were no significant written sources of Bulgaria itself, or they have not been preserved. But from the beginning of the 10th century, Bulgaria was visited by Arab geographers and travelers, who left the most interesting geographical and ethnographic notes, including the Slavs and Russ. Probably, something related to the North-East can also be found in the Khazar sources, since at one time Bulgaria was in vassal dependence on the Khazar Khaganate.

It's all about interpretation. Of course, if we assume in advance that Vyatka, the Upper and Middle Kama regions, for example, were inhabited by wild Finno-Ugric tribes, then everything that contradicts this “obvious” statement will be recognized as unreliable or related to another region. Here is an example of one of the early testimonies of the Arab geographer al-Istakhri (930-933) in the "Book of the ways of states" ("Kitab masalik al-mamalik"), based on the lost work of al-Balkhi (920-921) (translation A.P. Novoseltseva, 40, p. 411):

“Rusov three groups. One group of them is closest to the Bulgar, and their king sits in a city called Kuyaba, and this city is larger than the Bulgar. And the most remote group of them, called as-Slaviya, and the third group of them, called al-Arsaniyya, and their king sits in Ars. And people come to Cuiaba to trade. As for Arsa, it is not known that anyone reached it, since its inhabitants kill every foreigner who comes into their land. Only they themselves go down the water and trade, but do not tell anyone anything about their affairs and their goods and do not allow anyone to accompany them and enter their country. And black sable and tin (lead?) are exported from Arsa… These Rus trade with the Khazars, Rum and Bulgar the Great.”

Ibn Haukal has a similar message. Both of these testimonies, as well as other similar ones, go back, according to researchers, to the popular road book (guidebook) of Ibn Khordadbeh in the Arab-Persian world, which was most likely written from the words of merchants in 846, in any case, no later than 80 -s of the IX century.

The generally accepted point of view is that Cuiaba is Kyiv, and Slavia is the Novgorod land (Slovene). The location of Ars and Arsania is considered debatable. B. Rybakov, who considers Novgorod of the 10th century a provincial town, based on his Kiev-centric theory, placed all three groups of Rus on the Middle Dnieper, in the Kiev land (52. P. 110 - 116), identifying Slavia with Pereyaslavl, and Arsania - with Rodn. This assumption of the famous historian obviously contradicts the Arabic text.

Firstly, the entire Kievan land from the distant Bulgar is seen as one point, the observer will not single out nearby objects located one and a half thousand miles away.

Secondly, the cities located nearby have approximately the same range of export goods. The text specifically highlights the goods exported from Ars: black sable and tin. Where did the black sables near Kyiv come from?! Of course, the inhabitants of the Dnieper region could be intermediaries, but to bring sables from the North or from Siberia through the Dnieper? Tin is less doubtful, it could have been brought from the Ore Mountains (Krushne-Gori). But why only through Arsania and not Kuyaba and Slavia? Yes, and far away, and there is a closer way.

It can be said that there are no commercial tin deposits either in Vyatka or Kama. But let's remember that back in the 15th century BC. in the Middle Kama region there was a center of bronze metallurgy, for the smelting of which tin can be used (Turbinsky culture). And in the I millennium AD. the Kamians supplied Europe with bronze ornaments (see above). Where did they get tin for bronze smelting? They were not brought from Britain and from the Ore Mountains? As researchers of ancient material culture A.V. Schmidt and A.A. Jessen, tin deposits in the Urals have been known since ancient times. Perhaps, in their opinion, tin ore was also available in Northern Russia, in particular, in the regions of Lake Ladoga and Onega and in the Pechora basin. But there were no deposits of tin in Central and Southern Russia (80, p. 205 et seq.).

But we digress from Rybakov's assertion that Ars is located in the Dnieper region. Finally, the third and very significant objection. Al-Istakhri directly writes about the merchants of Ars: "They descend on the water." From the Dnieper you can only go down to the Black Sea. You can, of course, climb the tributaries, cross the swamps to the Oka tributaries and go down to the Bulgar along the Oka and the Volga. But why did they have to choose such a difficult path, because Rybakov himself described in detail the direct overland road from Kyiv to Bulgar, equipped with special “istobs”, a kind of postal stations, every 70 km.

It is significant that the "Arsk princes" are also mentioned in Russian, albeit later, sources. In 1489, Ivan III, having sent a huge army, brought the Vyatka cities to submission, while "Vyatchans big people I’ve known everyone with their wives and children, and even the princes of Arsk.” “But put other Vyatchan merchants in Dmitrov, and granted the princes of Arsk - let them go to your land” (Sophia II Chronicle. L. 321 v. 60. P. 326; also: Synodal Chronicle). Moreover, the chronicler distinguishes between the Vyatchans and the “Aryans”: “the Vyatchans brought everyone to the kiss, and the Aryans brought them to the company” (Novgorod IV Chronicle. L. 376. 39. P. 459; also: Sofia Chronicles I and II). Where the Ar princes have this “own land” is not entirely clear from the annals, but, in any case, not the Dnieper. Their religious affiliation is not clear from the text (Arians, Muslims?), but, in any case, they are not Orthodox. It is not clear whether the Aryans are a religious or ethnic characteristic.

The Arsk forests and the Arsk road are mentioned in Russian sources in connection with Ivan the Terrible's campaign against Kazan, and in many other cases. In the Kirov region and in Tatarstan, there are several toponyms with the stem "ars" (more on that below).

Here it must be said that V.V. Barthold conveyed the Arabic passage about the three groups of Russians in a slightly different form, considering it to be Ibn Fadlan's (5. p. 836). He has not Ars, but Art, not tin, but lead (tin and lead were written the same in Arabic in the 10th century). In all likelihood, Academician Rybakov used this or another old translation (Bartold's work was written in 1918). And before the war, it was accepted to transcribe the Arabic letter ﺙ (si or sa) with Russian t, and not with. In fact, the letter ﺙ sounds like the voiceless English interdental sound th, for example, in the word month. Moreover, the Persian authors, when transferring the name Ars, used the same letter ﺙ, which in Persian sounds like Russian s. Therefore, from the point of view of linguistics, it seems absolutely incredible that Rybakov identified Ars with Rodn. True, it is curious why the Arabic author used a letter that sounds like th to designate this group of Russ. The corresponding sound was also in the Turkic language. How does this sound correlate in ancient Turkic with Tatar in the 16th century? and how the toponyms of interest to us then sounded remains a subject for further research.

The habitation of the "Rus" to the north of the Bulgar should not be surprising. Firstly, perhaps this is not an ethnic or not quite an ethnic characteristic. Arabs distinguish between Rus and Slavs (sakaliba), however, there are reports that the Rus speak Slavonic, in other cases this is clear from the fact that the conversation goes through a Slav interpreter. Secondly, in the famous Arabic-Persian anonymous geographical treatise of the second half of the 10th century. “Khudud al-Alam” mentions Kuh-e Rus “Russian Mountain” to the north of the Bulgar-e Andarun “inner Bulgars” (77. Persian text. - fol. 38a; translation by V.F. Minorsky - p. 160). It is clear from the context that we are talking about the Kama Bulgars (according to A.P. Novoseltsev: 40, p. 373). Most likely, we are talking about the mountains of the Northern Urals, which the Arabs and Persians considered "Russian".

The Arab authors of the 10th century also report about the Bulgar trade with the city, whose name is read as v…ntit and v…t, where missing vowels are replaced by dots (36). He writes in detail about the country of Wa…t (Wa…it) Ibn Rust in his work “al-A'lah an-nafisa” (according to A.P. Novoseltsev. 40. p. 387), reporting that it is “at the very beginning limits of the Slavic” (from Bulgar?). The Persian geographer Gardizi reports on the city of Vantit in Novoseltsev's translation in a slightly different way: it is located "on the extreme limits of the Slavic" (ibid., p. 390). These testimonies, as well as information about the Rus and Ars, apparently go back to the road builder Ibn Khordadbeh (9th century).

The Khazar king Joseph (X century) in his famous correspondence with the Jews lists the peoples living along the Itil River. Among them - "v-n-n-tit". (23. pp. 91-102).

It is customary to consider these names as referring to the land of the Vyatichi (see, for example, Petrukhin V.Ya. and Raevsky D.S. 44. S. 169). At the same time, Petrukhin and Raevsky did not pay attention to the fact that the Khazars and Bulgars called Itil the Kama and the Lower Volga or the White, Lower Kama and the Lower Volga, and considered the Upper Volga to be its tributary. King Joseph directly writes: “I live by a river named Itil ... The beginning of the river faces east for 4 months of travel.” It is clear that this is not the Volga, but precisely the Belaya, a tributary of the Kama, which Joseph considered the source of Itil. And the Vyatichi can hardly be called living along the Belaya and Kama. Vyatchane, on the contrary, live right next to ancient Itil, that is, Kama.

Vyatichi, a group of East Slavic tribes that lived in the upper reaches of the Oka and along its tributaries.

Here we need to make a linguistic digression. The Russian I in a strong position after the consonant appeared in place of the common Slavic e nasal (ę). In the Baltic and Western European languages, it naturally corresponds to en, for example:

meat - mensa (Prussian)

knit - vęzeł (Polish - "monogram")

five - πεντε (Greek)

whore (other Russian - "I am mistaken") - blendžiuos (lit. - "I darken").

Therefore, the root vyat- was preceded by the root vęt- and corresponds to the Baltic root vent- (compare: Vyatichi - Veneti). Also, the toponym Vyatka corresponds to numerous Baltic toponyms with the stem vent-, for example, Ventspils on the Venta River.

Therefore, in ... ntit and va ... t are two forms of the same name: Baltic (or other European) and East Slavic.

The toponym in ... ntit - va ... t, of course, in principle, can refer to the land of the Vyatichi, but with good reason in terms of geographical landmarks, it can also refer to Vyatka, especially considering that they lived on the Vyatka land, as we will see later, and the Baltic tribes, who could convey the name of a city or country in the form of ... ntit.

In any case, the Arabic, Persian and Khazar sources must be read again, carefully and without prejudice. It is very likely that many secrets will be revealed.

3.1.3.Vyatka written sources

Unfortunately, no ancient written documents have been found. Apparently, chronicles were not kept in Vyatka either. Christianity appeared in Vyatka only at the beginning of the 15th century, but the first priests were most likely not very literate. But they most likely destroyed the pre-Christian pagan monuments. At the same time, there is irrefutable evidence from Ibn Fadlan that back in 922, the Rus and the Vis (usually identified with the entire Finno-Ugric people) had a written language (22. p. 138 et seq.). Finding written monuments of that time is the task of future archaeologists. Perhaps it will be solved with the discovery of the ancient cities mentioned by the Arabs - Ars and Ventita (Vyatka?).

3.2.Toponymic data

Toponymy is the science of geographical names. Toponyms have been preserved for many centuries and even millennia, especially in the conditions of sedentary life and ethnic stability. Toponyms are those elements of ancient languages ​​that reach us regardless of written sources. Of course, they can be distorted, but these distortions are natural, and the nature of the distortions in itself can provide certain information about the ethnic processes that took place. I consider toponymy as a tool of historiography earlier than archeology, not in terms of importance (everything is important), but in terms of primacy for ethnic history: only data on language allow us to identify archaeological cultures with ethnic groups (language is not the only, but a very significant element of an ethnic group). In addition, toponymy data can suggest the geography of a possible archaeological search, indicate, if not a place, then at least an area for excavations: “Seek and you will find!”.

For the Vyatka land, the objects of toponymic research are mainly the names of rivers (hydronyms) and settlements (oikonyms). To a much lesser extent - the names of areas of the area, swamps, tracts, lakes. Here also adjoin (although not toponyms, but important for us) the names of ethnic groups - ethnonyms. In addition, we will be interested in names and surnames (anthroponyms); some - as derivatives of ethnic or generic names, others (or the same) - as having become the basis of toponyms (Philipp - the village of Filippovo - the river Filippovka).

Determining the age of toponyms is an important but very difficult task. Each time we have to solve it individually, in relation to a specific toponym. For example, a toponym can preserve the archaic sound of words, timed by historical linguistics. At the same time, it should be taken into account that in the environment of the parent language, the toponym often changes with it and ceases to change according to the laws of this language when the language environment changes or when it breaks away from the appellative ( common noun, which formed the basis of the toponym), acquiring an independent meaning.

It is generally accepted that the names of large rivers are the most ancient. The names of the middle rivers are younger, although they can also be quite ancient (thousands of years). The names of small rivers are usually quite young, especially in sparsely populated areas. The maps were often marked with the names given by the first cartographers, who exhausted their imagination in the process of work. This is how the rivers Berezovka Midday, Berezovka Middle, Berezovka Night (in the sense of northern), 1st Sandy, 2nd Sandy, etc. appeared. Small rivers are characterized by names secondary to the names of settlements or the names of industrialists who had hunting or fishing grounds on them. The names of settlements can be very young, but there are also very ancient ones - up to a thousand years old. There are suggestions that the age of the names of some settlements may be much older, but to put forward such hypotheses, very weighty justifications are needed.

Toponymic research can be divided into two areas: the attribution of toponyms to progenitor languages ​​and the analysis of “speaking” toponyms, the semantics (meaning) of which can provide certain information for historical interpretations.

3.2.1.Linguistic affiliation of toponyms

Determining the linguistic affiliation of toponyms will help identify ethnicity historical cultures and on this basis to recreate the ethnic history of the Vyatka region. And it is inseparable from the ethnic history of all Eastern Europe. It was the territorial limitations of previous studies (the Dnieper, the Volga-Oka interfluve, the North-West of Russia were well surveyed, but there are significant blank spots) that could lead historians to false conclusions. There is an "observer effect" when close objects seem more significant; the discovered ancient roots of any ethnic group seem to be the main ones, since other territories have not been studied. Such a survey of the Vyatka region should be tied not only to neighboring regions, but also to the already surveyed territories, which were mentioned above.

Ideally, it is necessary to compile a toponymic dictionary, and for the purposes of this section, a complete etymologization of toponyms is not necessary, since the semantics of appellatives is secondary. It is necessary only by appellatives and topoformants (for example, suffixes) to determine the linguistic identity of the toponym and, preferably, its age. On the basis of the dictionary, it is necessary to compile maps of the distribution of toponyms of a certain linguistic affiliation; separately - medium rivers, small rivers and oikonyms. Then you need to overlay these maps on maps of the distribution of historical cultures in three-dimensional space (x,y,t). Of course, graphically, these maps will be two-dimensional, and the third dimension (simplest, time) will need to be kept in mind.

At a minimum, it is possible to map the distribution of topoformants whose belonging to specific languages ​​or their groups is beyond doubt, as was done in the classic work by V.I. Toporov and O.N. Trubachev (64) and in the book by N.D. Rusinov (51). In this regard, the linguistic correlation of common hydroformants -ma, -da, -yug, -ik and -im(s), which will be discussed below, is very important.

In the Kirov region, such work was not carried out at a serious level, researchers encountered insurmountable difficulties in the etymologization of toponyms, which are explained by the use of only the Finno-Ugric version of the origin of hydronyms, while the means of other languages ​​were not involved. In some other works (E.D. Golovina, E.N. Moshkina) devoted to Russian and Turkic toponyms, more local tasks were set. An exception is the article by L.N. Makarova (30), which will be discussed later.

My (so far only superficial) studies show that no more than 5% of hydronyms have a Finno-Ugric origin, and about 10% of the pre-Russian substrate (figures are approximate). For the etymologization of toponyms, it is necessary to involve at least the languages ​​of three families.

Indo-European family

Russian language.

The most interesting for our purposes is finding an Old Russian substrate or even Proto-Slavic (if any). At the same time, it is necessary to carefully check the possibility of the origin of toponyms from close languages, as well as their rethinking from other languages.

For example, the name of the village of Istobensk (modern Orichevsky district of the Kirov region) can come from both the Old Russian istaba and from the Latvian. istaba "room". But the Russian suffix -ensk testifies, rather, in favor of the Russian version. In confirmation of this, the fact that the ltsh. istaba is considered borrowed from Russian (M. Vasmer), and, finally, the location of two villages called Istobnoye on the ancient route from Kiev to Bulgar, where the Baltic element is not typical (Rybakov B.A. 52. p. 110). From a linguistic point of view, the origin of this name from the time of the Balto-Slavic linguistic community cannot be excluded, although this looks fantastic. (However, in the area of ​​this village there is the Tivanenkovskoe settlement of the 7th-3rd centuries BC, and with a certain amount of imagination, one can consider it as the forerunner of Istobensk).

Another example: R. Nersma (pr. Suna pr., pr. Voi pr., left. pr. Vyatka) either spawn from Russian, or from Latvian. nersti "to spawn". From a linguistic point of view (in Russian it would be *Nerstma, *Nerestma, and even more likely - *Nerestyanka), I prefer the Baltic or Balto-Slavic version.

A r. Rybas (left. pr. Voi) obviously has nothing to do with Russian fish, since the ending is non-Russian. Rather, from ltsh. ribati "to thunder" with the ending im. pad. m.r., since a small river quite gives the impression of a stream, which is also masculine in the Baltic languages. Semantics is common both in Russian and Baltic place names (cf. Gremyachiy Klyuch, etc.).

The etymologization of toponyms from the dialectal appellatives of the Russian language is unproductive, for example, the names of numerous rivers Kholunitsa from holun "river drift" or r. Slots (left. Sandalovka ave. Vyatka avenue) from the slot - "dirt". It is desirable to find out the origin of the appellatives themselves, since they can lead to other languages ​​or to Proto-Slavic times, which is much more informative for historiography.

Baltic languages.

Surprisingly, almost no one paid attention to the presence of toponyms of Baltic origin, although, as we will see, they are both numerous and ubiquitous. M. Vasmer limited the territory of distribution of Baltic hydronyms to the Moscow region from the east. Recently, it has become generally accepted to bring the Baltisms to the Nizhny Novgorod Volga region.

Attempts to push the border of the Baltisms further are very timid. R.A. Ageeva, etymologizing the lake. Lipsho (Toropetsky district) from lit. lipti "stick, stick", gave an example of the Lithuanian lake. Lipsys and r. Lipsha in the Kazan province. (now the Republic of Mari El - S.U.) and provided it with a note "a somewhat unexpected correspondence." (3. p. 192). But at the end of the 19th century famous ethnographer I.N. Smirnov noted that before the Mari and before the Udmurts, some “unknown tribes” lived in the territories of their settlement (55, 56). He gives a whole list of pre-Mari river names: Vetluga, Kokshaga, etc. - and comes to the conclusion that they “cannot be ... explained from the living Finnish dialects and belong, judging by the similarity or even identity, to the people who occupied a vast space from the meridian of Moscow to meridian of Perm.

But the hydronym Vetluga is etymologized both from the Baltic (N.D. Rusinov) and from the Russian language (obviously). And why didn’t anyone notice that Kokshaga did too!? Koks in Latvian "tree", s - š - alternation typical for the Baltic languages; -uga and -aga are suffixes typical of Baltic and Slavic toponyms. Compare the Kokui (Kukui) stream with ltsh. koku - "forest" in the territory of the city of Moscow, where Baltisms are common (58). However, the root kok belongs not only to the Baltic languages, but also to dialects of the Russian language (Koksha Zh. Vologda, “a tree hidden by water and washed at the bottom of the river or thrown out on the harvest”; Kokui m. dial., including vyats . - among the numerous meanings - "a small forest island"). However, the formant -sh- rather speaks of the Baltic origin of the hydronym Kokshaga (see, in particular: Otkupshchikov Yu.V. 42).

The Ekaterinburg toponymist A.K. also spoke about the Baltic hydronyms in the Russian North. Matveev, but it seems that he did not affect the Vyatka region.

Now we can already state with confidence that the “mysterious people”, about which I.N. Smirnov, - Balts or Baltoslavs. On the territory of Mari El, the Baltic substratum is ubiquitous (except for the above - the rivers Lipsha, Persha, Nolya, two Nolki, Ilet, Ashit, etc.). On the territory of the Kirov region in the Vyatka basin, hydronyms of Baltic origin are often found, and there are hydronyms that do not raise any doubts about their Baltic origin. In a number of cases, one can also trace the dialectal features of the Vyatka and "Mari" Baltisms, although additional research by linguists specializing in the Baltic languages ​​is needed for a complete picture.

The presumably Baltic name can be attributed to the name of the Medyan River (pr. Vyatka Ave.) - cf. prus. median from balt. *med "forest"; another hypothesis - from the Proto-Indo-European * medhio - "middle", from which Rus. boundary, between, lat. median etc. It is difficult to clarify the origin, because. the Baltic *med itself goes back, perhaps, to the Proto-Indo-European *medhio with the original meaning "separating forest belt". (Apparently, the Medyan River in the Sura basin, the Medyn River in the Oka basin, the Mezen River, and many others should also be included here). Also with a question mark here we include r. Kezva (left. Ivantsovka Ave., left. Vyatka Ave.) - at lit. kežti "swell, swell"; R. Kirs (pr. Vyatka Ave.) - writing of the 19th century. Kirsa at Latvian ķiris "seagull"; and many others. others

As an example of Baltism with dialect features, V.N. Toporov and O.N. Trubachev give the name of the Zalazna River in the Upper Dnieper. They elevate this and other rivers with similar names (Zalazinka, Zhalizha, Zhalozh) to the appellative meaning "iron" (64, p. 240). Moreover, they note the replacement of ž with z in the region where the annalistic golyad lived, that is, they consider this a sign of the Golyad dialect.

Golyad, a Baltic tribe mentioned in Russian chronicles of the 11th-12th centuries; lived in the basin of the Protva River, the right tributary of the Moscow River, between the Vyatichi and Krivichi. In the 12th century the majority of G. was assimilated by the Slavs. (TSB)

Note that the Zalazna River is also in the Vyatka basin (Belaya Ave., Vyatka Ave.). The most interesting thing is that in the area of ​​Vyatka Zalazna there is a large iron ore deposit, which has been exploited for many centuries. But I would not so unambiguously attribute the name of this river to the Baltisms. The fact is that the word for iron is Balto-Slavonic with the assumed stem *ghel(e)g'h (Pokorny. 114), and in the Slavic languages, as a result of satemization, both sounds g turned into whistling or hissing, and in most Baltic languages ​​- only the second (g"): Lit. geležis, gem. gelžis, Prussian. gelso, but Latvian. dzelzs. It is obvious that the sound of Zalazna is closer to the modern Ukrainian zalizna "iron" than even to the Latvian dzelza: it is precisely of the Slavic type. The second the vowel a has a dialectal character (cf. Bulgarian zhelazna and Polish želazna).So it must be admitted that if the hydronym Zalazna and similar ones belong to a dialect of the Baltic language such as Golyadsky, then this dialect was very close to Slavic.

But certainly the Baltic ones include:

R. Ilgan (pr. Snigirevka Ave., left. Bystritsa Ave., left. Vyatka Ave.) - at lit. ilga "long, long" and hydronyms in Lithuania: lake. Ilgi, b. Ilga, b. Ilgyanka;

R. Bartemka (left. pr. Vyatka) at ltsh. bart “scold” (cf. Rus. to grumble, grumble), the rivers Barta and Bartuva in Latvia and numerous examples of the formation of the names of small rivers from similar appellatives in the Slavic and Baltic languages ​​- in this case through *Barttma > *Bartem with the design of the Russian diminutive suffix -ka on modern language soil;

R. Ilet (pr. Bystritsy Ave.) at ltsh. ila "very dark" and Rus. silt from the Proto-Indo-European root *il "dirt, silt, blackness", but with the Baltic derivational formant -et.

Within the boundaries of the modern Sunsky and Nolinsky districts, I discovered the territory of almost continuous Baltic hydronymy: pp. Suna, Rybas, Zero, Pilya, Nersma, Loban, Mayurovka, Eranka, Elpan. Surprising as it may seem, oikonyms of Baltic origin are located on the same territory, for example, two villages of Erpuli (Sunsky and Nolinsky districts). Wed ltsh. jēra "sheep" and pūli "crowds", i.e. jērpūļi can be interpreted as "flocks" by analogy with ltsh. karapūļi "hordes (enemies)", where kara - "military, army".

From oikonyms of Baltic origin: pos. Lyangasovo, der. Langasy (near Kirov), village. Kokuy (numerous), village. Toskui (near the village of Suna), sl. Kukarka (now the city of Sovetsk), although some of them, perhaps through Russian dialectal appellatives (kokuy and lyangas) of Baltic origin (for the word lengus (lyangas), see Otkupshchikov Yu.V. (43, p. 122).

Balto-Slavic proto-language

Many historians of the language believe that both the Baltic and Slavic languages ​​\u200b\u200bwere separated from a common proto-language, or the ancestors of the Balts and Slavs were the so-called. the Balto-Slavic continuum, within which there was no clear boundary between the dialects of Slavs and Balts. Although the concepts of a common proto-language and the Balto-Slavic continuum are not universally recognized, it can be assumed with a high degree of certainty that the ancestors of the Balts and Slavs in the first half of the 1st millennium BC. spoke very closely related languages, with more or less dialectal differences. (On various aspects of the genesis of the Baltic and Slavic languages, see, for example, Khaburgaev G.A. 73 and Porcig V. 48).

Consequently, toponyms of ancient origin can be formed by our ancestors, who are difficult to attribute unambiguously to the Balts or Slavs speaking a common or close languages. They can be called Proto-Balto-Slavs or, in short, Balt-Slavs.

Toponyms of Balto-Slavic origin include toponyms etymologized from both Russian and Baltic languages. Such toponyms should be considered "candidates" for ancient origin. But in each specific case, it is necessary to understand the chronology of word-formation techniques. For example, there are suffixes that have lost their productivity; for many of them it is possible to determine (of course, approximately) the time of this loss. Thus, it is possible to establish the time limits for the formation of toponyms with these suffixes and determine whether the toponym was formed during the time of the Balto-Slavic unity or after the collapse of the linguistic community.

But even if the toponym is etymologized with the help of language tools only one group (Slavic or Baltic), this is not proof of his "youth". It is possible that the corresponding stem and/or suffix was inherent in the proto-language, but survived only in one of these language groups.

Here I indicate only the direction for future research, certainly laborious, but it is they that can give a picture of the ethnic history of both the Vyatka land and the entire forest zone of Eastern Europe, presumably inhabited by Balto-Slavic tribes.

Candidates for relative "antiquity" can be considered hydronyms with the suffix -n-. As Y. Otkupshchikov writes (“Harrow and Furrow”// 43. P. 92), “this suffix, which has lost or almost lost its productivity in most Indo-European languages ​​of the historical era, was very widespread in the ancient Indo-European period.” The suffixes –d- and -m-, also common in Vyatka toponymy, apparently have an even greater age.

Of course, one must understand that the suffix, "glued" to the root in ancient times, could get into the toponym along with the root already in modern times, as, for example, in the common hydronym Suna: cf. ltsh. suna "mossy, mossy".

Also, since these suffixes were inherent in most Indo-European languages, it is necessary to separate from the Balto-Slavic toponyms the very ancient “goats” of the common Indo-European era, if any (see below).

Indo-Iranian (Aryan) languages

Indo-Iranian languages, a special branch of the Indo-European family of languages, including Indian (Indo-Aryan), Iranian and Dardic languages. It is possible that the initial core of this community was formed back in the southern Russian steppes (traces of contacts with the Finno-Ugric peoples, which took place, most likely, to the north of the Caspian Sea) and continued to develop during the period of settlement in Central Asia or in adjacent territories. The presence of the Indo-Iranian linguistic and cultural community is confirmed by the data of the comparative historical grammar and vocabulary of these languages, which includes a number of identical elements denoting the key concepts of the Indo-Iranian culture, religion, social institutions, names, including the self-name *arya - "arias", material culture and etc. Modern I. I. distributed in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Ceylon (Indo-Aryan), Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan (western part), Iraq (northern regions), Turkey ( East End), USSR (Tajikistan, Caucasus). (TSB)

Hypothetically, an Indo-Iranian substratum (a substratum is toponyms originating from languages ​​that have not survived in a given territory) can be expected from the following eras:

a) ancient times (Neolithic and early Bronze Age);

b) Scythian time;

c) Sarmatian time;

d) post-Sarmatian time.

Let's consider in order.

A). Many researchers place the ancestral home of the Aryans in the Ural region, both to the east and to the west of it. But if cautious historians see it in the Southern Urals (which, it seems, there is strong evidence), then the "Vedists" (researchers of the ancient Vedas) attribute it almost to the Arctic Circle. If their opinion is at least half true, then the ancestral home of the Indo-Iranians (or at least one of these branches) may turn out to be just on Vyatka and Kama. However, according to toponyms ancient origin it is hardly possible to distinguish the specific linguistic affiliation of the toponym, since the ancestors of the Iranians and Indo-Aryans then spoke close languages. Since the later presence of Iranians (peoples speaking the languages ​​of the Iranian group) in Vyatka is very likely, there is reason to speak about the Iranian origin of toponyms or (if ancient origin is proven) about Indo-Iranian, singling out Indo-Aryan only in undoubted cases. Of course, one cannot hypothetically exclude the preservation of relic groups of Indo-Iranians - the descendants of the Neolithic population - at a later time.

B). In the I millennium BC. the territory of the North-East of Europe, including Vyatka, was inhabited by the tribes of the Ananyino cultural community. It is customary to consider these tribes as Finno-Ugric (74, 75). According to my assumptions, this cultural community was either not ubiquitous or polyethnic. Nevertheless, it occupied at least part of the territory of the Vyatka basin. In the excavations of burial grounds and settlements of this culture, many objects of Scythian origin have been found. Petrukhin and Raevsky suggest that these may be archaeological traces of “other Scythians”, who, according to Herodotus, separated from their relatives and moved far to the northeast, beyond the lands of the Tissagets and Iirks (ancestors of the Mordovians and Mary?) (44, p. 112). Another issue is that many researchers are not sure about the mono-ethnicity of the Scythians, there are suggestions, for example, that the Scythians-“plowmen” were Slavic-speaking, while the core of the Scythian association was definitely Iranian-speaking (1). And what language did the “other Scythians” speak? Only toponymy can answer this question.

IN). In the III century. BC. instead of the Scythians, the Iranian-speaking Sarmatians became the masters of the Steppe. Given the vastness of the Sarmatian "empire", we can expect their cultural influence on the forest zone of Eastern Europe. But it is unlikely that the Sarmatians directly settled in the forest, including on the banks of the Vyatka, during their heyday (III century BC - III century AD); they had much more freedom in the steppes. The Sarmatians controlled the main trade routes of Eurasia, and the language of trade often overwhelms local languages. And yet, it is not so much the appearance of Iranian-language toponyms of that time that can be considered unlikely, but the possibility of their chronologization, since they can “sink” in toponyms of the same linguistic origin of a later time.

G). The Sarmatian tribal union was first defeated by the Goths in the 3rd century, and then against the Sarmatians, and the Huns attacked the Goths. The Sarmatians partly became part of the Hunnic union, partly retreated to the outskirts of the range: to the North Caucasus, to the Crimea, up the Volga and Don. Having broken up into separate tribal groups, they have already ceased to represent a force in Great Steppe. They settled on the Middle Volga and at the mouth of the Kama, but the remnants of the Hunnic union came there - the Turkic-speaking Bulgars. Some tribes of the descendants of the Sarmatians became part of the Bulgar state. Their participation in the ethnogenesis of the Kama Bulgars is undoubted, which manifested itself in the language of the Bulgars and their linguistic heirs - the Chuvashs (to a greater extent) and the Kazan Tatars (to a lesser extent). But some of the descendants of the Sarmatians retreated even further north, presumably to the Vyatka basin (Malmyzh district - according to F.I. Gordeev - 14, which is based on the research of I. Sinitsyn - 54; V.F. Gening - 12) and, apparently, even reached Vychegda (cemeteries of the Veslyansky I type - 20a. P. 39 - 41).

Interestingly, according to many historians (Vernadsky, Tsvetkov, and others), the late Sarmatians often mixed with the Slavs. In some Antian tribes, the top was Sarmatian, and the main population was Slavic. In others, only the tribal name remained from the Sarmatians.

It is difficult to imagine a friend of the Sarmatian steppes on a boat, except that there is a horse on the boat. But roadless forest spaces can only be developed by water, and the main means of transportation here is a boat. And it is no coincidence that burials in boats were found in cemeteries of the Veslyansky (Sarmatian) type, which at a later time (as we know from Arab sources) was characteristic of the ancient Rus. It is logical to assume that in the North, as well as in the Black Sea region, a symbiosis of Sarmatians and Slavs was formed, and the Sarmatian burial grounds were in fact Sarmatian Russian. (Burials in boats are typical of the Scandinavian Vikings.)

One way or another, but the descendants of the Sarmatians in the post-Sarmatian time (IV - X centuries AD) could not pass Vyatka, and it is logical to look for Iranian traces of this time in Vyatka toponymy.

The first to discover toponyms of Iranian origin in the Vyatka land was D.M. Zakharov (18, 19), however, he explains them by means of Bulgar, through the penetration of Sarmatian roots into the Bulgar language. As we can see, the descendants of the Sarmatians could name the Vyatka rivers and settlements and personally, so to speak, participating in this fascinating process.

I repeat once again that the Iranian-speaking tribes could come to Vyatka in different historical epochs, so the task of the 2nd order is not only to identify Iranian toponyms, but also to determine their age.

Celtic languages

Celts (Greek Κελτοι), tribes close in language and material culture that originally lived in the 1st half of the 1st millennium BC. e. in the basins of the Rhine, Seine and Loire and the upper reaches of the Danube and later inhabited the territory of modern France, Belgium, Switzerland, southern Germany, Austria, northern Italy, northern and western Spain, the British Isles (K. Britain was called the Britons), the Czech Republic, partly Hungary and Bulgaria. The Romans called them Gauls (lat. Galli), hence the name of the main territory of their settlement - Gaul. K., penetrated into the 3rd century. BC e. to Asia Minor, they were called Galatians. (TSB)

The Celts in Vyatka are, of course, absolutely incredible. However, there are several facts that together can allow us to consider this assumption, at least as a working hypothesis.

West of Vyatka is the ancient city of Galich (n. Kostroma region). The etymology of the toponym Galich is considered not entirely clear. One of the assumptions - this name was transferred from Western Rus', from another city of Galich - is not entirely convincing. The generally accepted etymology of western Galich comes from the Celtic tribe of Galatians, who left a number of oikonyms: Galicia (Western Ukraine), Galatia (Asia Minor), Galicia (Spain), Galata (Istanbul region), two cities of Galati (Romania), etc. Salt was mined in the region of western Galich, so there was another assumption about the origin of the name - from the Celtic appellative with the meaning "salt", cf. wall. halen, dr. halion. But it does not pass for linguistic reasons: in all European sources, Galich and Galicia begin with G, and in Western European languages, h never turns into g. And at the same time, it can be noted that many European oikonyms associated with salt mining are of Celtic origin, for example, the city of Halle (Halle) on the river. Hall (Sale). In this case, both are from the appellative “salt”, but the city is from Celtic, and the river is from Germanic or Balto-Slavic. The initial Gal- in the toponyms Galich and Galle have different etymologies (from gal- and hal-), but come from the same language! It is curious that both appellatives - meaning "salt" and "gall" - if our assumptions are correct, converge in the name of another ancient city located near eastern Galich - the city of Soligalich.

Thus, it can be assumed that the ancient Gauls, being the strongest tribe in the barbarian part of Europe, controlled strategic salt deposits, which is why the cities under them received Celtic names. Moreover, the Russian suffix -ich in the name Galich speaks of belonging to the Gauls or the past tense of the Gallic (Celtic) control (from *galich - belonging to the descendants of the Gauls).

It is believed that traces of the Celts reached the northeast up to the Novgorod land and Ladoga. Isn't it further? Didn't their raking hand extend all the way to our Galich? At least as control over strategic salt reserves?

And what about Vyatka? Vyatka land and the ancient city of Vyatka (pre-Khlynov time) were considered the patrimony of the Galician prince (see the treaty letters of Vasily II and Yuri Galitsky dated March 11, 1428: 83. P. 20). Although, of course, the patrimonial dependence of Vyatka was only on paper, rather, as a claim of the Galician princes. We know that Vyatka's connections with the lands of the Russian state were interrupted until 1374 and restored only through Ustyug, along the South and Molom, and Vyatka was completely autocratic until 1489. This may mean that Galich's claims to the Vyatka land speak of some more ancient connections.

Herodotus first reported the Celts (Galatians) to the civilized world, passing their name in two forms: κελτοι and γαλαται. We know that the self-names of many Celtic peoples contain the root gal-: Gauls in France, Gaels in Scotland, Galatians in Eastern Europe. In western Karelia there is a place called Kalattoma, which can be interpreted as "the land of the Galatians". Finns do not pronounce the sound g at the beginning of a word, replacing it with k; -to- - ownership suffix; -ma from maa - fin. "Earth". In the Lahtenpohsky district of Karelia - Lake. Calattomanlampi. To the north of Helsinki there are numerous oikonyms with the stem kelt-: Keltakangas, Keltaniemi, Keltianen. Are the toponyms kelt, kalat and the ethnonym kelt a reflection of the ethnonym galat, which got into the toponyms and to Herodotus through Finnish mediation? In any case, it is unlikely that Herodotus invented the ethnonym κελτοι. Numerous oikonyms with stem gal- are also a fact in almost all of Europe and with stem kelt-, kalat- in the northernmost regions, in the habitats of Finnish tribes.

In this regard, we note two rivers: the South Keltma, ave. Kama and the North Keltma, lion. pr. Vychegda, which originate in one locality (the north of the Perm region) and flow in opposite directions. It seems to me that the interpretation of the hydroformant -ma from the common Finnish maa "land, area" seems to be incorrect. But in this case, we can assume the primary name of the area from which two rivers flow. And again, we see that this area was of strategic importance, as connecting (or separating) two large river systems - the Vychegda (Northern Dvina) and the Kama (Volga).

This alleged "Celtic land" is located to the east of Vyatka, i.e. Vyatka - between Galich (the city of the Gauls or descendants of the Gauls) and the "land of the Celts" - the same Gauls.

On the Upper Kama, in the immediate vicinity of Vyatka, there is the village of Loino (Verkhnekamsk district, Kirov region). But loin is a very common topoformant in the Celtic lands of Britain. In Gaelic loinn - places. pad. from lann "that which is enclosed, a fenced-in place". True, the oikonym Loino can also be explained from Russian: from the verb to pour. But the use of an appellative with such semantics is more typical for the names of water bodies, and not for settlements.

Some Celtic traces can be seen in the Vyatka dialect, and vice versa.

For example, slots in many dialects are “slush, wet”. The word is common Slavic, has common Indo-European roots. In Germanic languages ​​- a close meaning, for example, burrows. sletta "rain and snow". But it is in dialects close to Vyatka and in the Celtic languages ​​that this word has a slightly different semantics:

slotina - "a small but viscous swamp";

to slot - "dirty, dirty, splash and pour around";

cf. gael. and irl. slod - "puddle, mud, wallow in the water, dirty, dirty, dirty."

The root is also reflected in hydronymy: there is a river near Kirov. Slots, lion. Sandalovka ave. Vyatka ave. See also us. Slotino settlements in the Nizhny Novgorod region. and Slotten in northern Norway.

There are not many examples like the ones above in my materials, but there are more. In any case, I would not dare to reject the Celtic hypothesis just because of its exoticism.

Germanic languages

The Germanic languages ​​are a group of related languages ​​spoken primarily in the western part of the European continent. One of the branches of the Indo-European family of languages. Modern G. I. - English, German, Dutch (Dutch), Flemish, Frisian - belong to the western group. The Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Icelandic, and Faroese languages ​​form the northern, or Scandinavian, G. group. (TSB)

The etymologization of the name of the river immediately suggests itself. Sandalovka (pr. Vyatka Ave., district of Kirov) from the Germanic languages ​​​​- from Proto-Germanic *sanda- “sand, sandy” (English sand). The bases indicating the nature of the river bottom (sand, silt, clay, stone) are typical in the hydronymy of all peoples. Wed also r. Sanda (left. Linda Ave., Nizhny Novgorod region), lake. Sandal (Karelia), der. Sandalovo (Cherepovets district, Vologda region).

But these toponyms can also be etymologized from the Iranian sant "stone", which apparently has a common origin with the Germanic sanda. The words sandal (santal) and sandal are also of Indo-Iranian origin from stems meaning "light, shiny" and, presumably, "soil", which in their semantics can be the basis of a hydronym. Of course, it is difficult to attribute the name of a lake in Karelia to Iranianisms, but there is also a river. Sandat (pr. Yegorlyk, Stavropol Territory), which, on the other hand, is difficult to attribute to Germanisms by geographical location. The difficulty is that the root is common Indo-European.

There are several more toponyms in Vyatka, which can be assumed to be of Germanic origin, but all this is in question.

By the way, the correlation of the names of the Vishera rivers in the North-East of Europe (Volkhov avenue; Vychegda avenue; Kama avenue) with the ancient name of the German river Weser (Old High German Wisura, lat. Visurgis) was pointed out by M. Vasmer (107). But here, too, there is a dual picture: the name of the river in Germany can be of Baltic or Slavic origin, especially since the same basis is also found in the undeniably ancient Balto-Slavic territory of the Upper Dnieper, in Lithuania and ancient Prussia (64. p. 180). (We note for completeness that A.K. Matveev in one of his works (31) connected the hydronyms Vishera with the hydronyms Biser (left. pr. Vyatka) and Bisert (pr. Ufa ave., pr. Belaya pr., left. pr. Kama), seeing in them the Ugric origin, which, of course, is erroneous, because the original Finno-Ugric words do not begin with voiced explosive consonants.)

But there is one hydronym, which, if not 100, then 99% can be considered Germanic, probably from the Viking Age. This is "R. Gostilador (left. Letki Ave.). This river itself flows through the territory of the Republic. Komi, but refers to the bass. Vyatka. This name gives good reason to conduct a toponymic search, including in the Germanic direction. About the etymology of the hydronym Gostilador - see below.

Proto-Indo-European language

It is impossible to completely reject the version of the preservation of the ancient relic names of the Proto-Indo-European time, in any case, the time when the division of the Indo-European languages ​​was not yet clearly expressed, i.e. III millennium BC It is also impossible to deny the existence of the now extinct Indo-European languages ​​at certain periods of time, for which we can collect data only with the help of toponymy (as happened with the Paleo-Balkan languages, including the language of ancient Troy). These issues are outside the scope of my work.

I will only note that it is possible to etymologize toponyms of the second type (from extinct languages) only if these toponyms contain elements (stem and suffix) that coincide or correlate with elements of known related languages ​​or recreated elements of the parent language. But in this case it is doubly difficult to distinguish toponyms of the first type (from the parent language) from the second.

According to my assumption, the toponyms of the first type, the most ancient, include hydronyms with the suffix -ma. Many of them have common Indo-European roots of ancient origin, for example, mol- (Moloma), lek- (Lekma), Also outside the Kirov region: roots oš- (Oshma, pr. Tansy), sar- (Sarma, pr. Moksha) , ser- (Serdem, Serdema, etc. Drunk), etc.

Also contenders for the ancient Indo-European origin are two rivers of the Cobra (assuming the original root kub-) and two rivers of the Nemda (pr. Pizhma and left. pr. Vyatka).

But, generally speaking, it is necessary system analysis groups of hydronyms with these suffixes (-ma, -ra, -da), not limited, of course, to the boundaries of local territories.

I would venture to suggest the presence of very ancient oikonyms. For example, the name of vil. Mundoro (near the city of Orlov) surrounded by completely Russian oikonyms (Krinichi, Uskovs, Nazarovs, Boyarskoye, etc.). The name of this settlement surprisingly coincides (of course, considering the transitions dh>d and o>u, which are natural for Russian) with the recreated Proto-Indo-European base *mondh-r-o (Pokorny J. 114, I, 730), which can be translated as “wise” or “ cheerful, active. Although, of course, it is more likely to assume a Balto-Slavic origin from the common stem *mo dr-, where o is a nasal; cf. lit. mandras "cheerful, active, agile, intelligent, proud", Rus. wise - through a nickname or generic name. This is also hard to believe, since then one must assume that this name is at least a thousand years old. But it is worth coming to the village of Mundoro, on the high bank of the Vyatka, to look around to understand: it was here that our ancestors should have settled if they were wise, active and proud!

Finno-Ugric languages

Since it is believed that the territory of the Kirov region and the entire North-East of Europe was inhabited by the Finno-Ugric peoples (plus the Samoyeds in the Far North), almost all hydronyms have already been tried to be derived from the Finno-Ugric languages. But really scientific works not so much (we note, for example, the works of F.I. Gordeev from Mari El and A.S. Krivoshchekova-Gantman from Perm). At the same time, even the most prominent specialists cannot avoid subjectivism, perhaps because they are representatives of small nations.

For example, prof. I.S. Galkin (Yoshkar-Ola) considers the hydronym Vetluga to be a Russian rethinking of the Mari name. It is difficult to agree with this: –uga is a typical Balto-Slavic suffix, and willow (also Latvian vituols “willow”) is a quite suitable basis for a river place-name, which are often formed from the names of prevailing plants. It is impossible to exclude the formation of the hydronym Vetluga, as well as the appellatives vetla and vituols, from the common Balto-Slavic root vit- (Russian vit, lit. vyti, etc.) with the meaning "winding". (Another version: from Balt. vieta "place" and lauk- "field" - F.I. Gordeev.) The toponymic environment (Volga, Kerzhenets, Usta, Urga) and the simplicity of etymology give preference to the Balto-Slavic versions. Another thing: "The Mari have always lived on Vetluga!" If we take this statement on faith, then we have to use Galkin's exotic reasoning.

But still, if we discard obviously doubtful cases, most of the scientific etymologies of specialists from the Finno-Ugric republics must be accepted. Another thing is the work of homegrown toponymists who compare geographical names with lexemes from numerous dictionaries “according to the similarity of ringing” (an expression by V.K. Trediakovsky). From here such pearls as Urzhum appear and become widespread - “I saw a squirrel” (Mar.).

When etymologizing from the Finno-Ugric languages, one must take into account that these languages ​​diverged far from each other, no less, if not more, than the Indo-European ones. For example, the commonality of the languages ​​of the Ugric group with other Finnish languages ​​is visible only to specialists. It is assumed that the languages ​​of this group separated from the common proto-language, according to various estimates, 5-7 thousand years ago. But Baltic-Finnish, Volga-Finnish and Permian do not have so many common lexemes, because. experienced strong and varied influences from neighboring languages. Therefore, the etymologization “from the Finno-Ugric language” is meaningless. It is necessary to determine from which particular language groups (or from the ancient proto-language) certain toponyms originated.

Generally speaking, it is often easy to separate toponyms of Indo-European and Finno-Ugric origin even with a cursory examination. The languages ​​of these families are too different. For example, in the Finno-Ugric languages, words never begin (with the exception of modern borrowings) with voiced plosive consonants, the consonants zh and z. Two consonants in a row in the initial position are extremely rare, while the consonants k, n, t at the beginning of a word clearly predominate. On the other hand, the Indo-European languages ​​are inflectional, i.e. word formation occurs mainly with the help of inflections, for example, polysemantic suffixes and endings, while the Finno-Ugric languages ​​(as well as Samoyedic and Turkic) are agglutinative, in which words are formed, figuratively speaking, by “sticking” of stems and unambiguous affixes.

In toponymy, this is manifested in the fact that the ends of Indo-European toponyms, as a rule, are suffixed: Vyatka, Bystritsa, Letka, Koryazhma, Molom, Cap, etc. In Finno-Ugric toponyms, as a rule, appellatives denoting the type of geographical object are in the final position, they are called topoformants: Kosyu from yu "river" (Komi), Kolyanur from nur "field" (Mar.), Break from vai "duct" ( udm.).

It is believed that cases of rejection of Finno-Ugric topoformants on Russian soil are possible, but this is a rare exception. More often they are transformed in a certain regular way, based on the linguistic convenience of new "users". For example, topoformants -nger, -ner, -ner, -ger with a preceding vowel, according to N.D. Rusinov (51), are derived from the original Mari ener “river”.

At the same time, it should be taken into account that the Indo-European and Finno-Ugric ends, having a different nature, can formally coincide, for example, the Indo-European suffixes -va and -ma coincide in sound with the Finno-Ugric topoformants, ascending to the appellatives va - Komi "water, river" and maa - fin . "land, locality" True, the Finno-Ugric va is limited in distribution by the Permian languages, because it is not recorded in the languages ​​of other Finno-Ugric groups (most likely, this word was borrowed from Indo-European, cf. water, water, etc., or of Nostratic origin). And no traces of Permian languages ​​were found far beyond the boundaries of the current Permian peoples (exceptions are the Far North and Western Siberia, which the Komi mastered together with the Russians).

On the contrary, the appellative maa has analogues in other Finnish languages, but in terms of its semantics, to put it mildly, it is not very suitable for the formation of hydronyms.

Permian languages

The territory of the current settlement of the Permian peoples directly adjoins the Kirov region, and the centers of the ethnogenesis of the Udmurts were the tributaries of the Vyatka Cheptsa and Kilmez. For these reasons, it is not surprising that there are Permian hydronyms in the Vyatka basin, which have characteristic river formants -va, -yu, -shor (-sor), -vozh, -cher (-ser), -el, -yiv (-iv) for the Komi languages and –wai, -shur (-sur) for the Udmurt language. A. Krivoshchekova-Gantman (25, 26) believes that the formant -I can be not only the Khanty "river", but also the Permian (Komi) -yu "river" processed on Russian soil.

Note that -я can be both Russian and Baltic endings, for example, r. Belaya in Russian territory, Akija, Ašvija, Pomija in Lithuania or Zero and Pilja in the Kirov region. with ltsh. pieliet "pour, pour"; cf. ltsh. noleja "valley" (literally "filled") from noliet "fill, flood". The suffix -va is also widely represented in Russian and Baltic hydronymy (Moscow, Protva, Nemolodva, Daugava, Vaduva, Tytuva and innumerable) in territories where there are no traces of Permian traces. Of course, as we said above, a comprehensive and accurate picture of the distribution of hydronyms of the corresponding origin can only be given by full examination hydronymy of the Vyatka basin with mapping. But in relation to the Permian hydronyms, and without deep research, it is clear that the Udmurt, Komi-Zyryan and Komi-Permyak hydronyms are located in the territories of the modern settlement of these peoples or are directly adjacent to them. True, the territory of the Afanasyevsky district of the Kirov region should also be included here. (upper reaches of the Kama), where the ethnic group of the Komi-Zyuzdins lived, Russified in the 20th century.

As for the Komi-Permyak hydronyms, their researcher A. Krivoshchekova-Gantman noticed that the area of ​​their distribution is wider than the territory of the Komi-Permyak district, spreading to the south from its borders (but not to the west, where the Vyatka basin is located!) - 26.

The Udmurt names of settlements penetrate deeply into the territory of the Kirov region up to the mouth of the Cheptsa (and the mouth of the Kilmezi in the south), despite the fact that there are no Udmurt river names in the lower reaches of the Cheptsa. This speaks of the expansion of the Udmurts already in modern times. Noteworthy is the abundance in this area (generally speaking, rare in populated areas) of hydronyms derived from the names of settlements (Filippovka, Karinka, etc.) and transparent Russian hydronyms (Svyatitsa, Talitsa, etc.) - then there are both in those and in other cases - young. This means that toponymic continuity was broken in this area, hence we can conclude that there was a sharp ethnic change in this area, possibly catastrophic, already in historical time. Moreover, the previous population was not Udmurt, otherwise the ancient names would have been preserved.

The etymologies from the Permian languages ​​regarding hydronyms located outside the territories indicated above, made by amateur toponymists, are unconvincing. For example, the etymology of R. Yurya (left. Velikaya Ave., Vyatka Ave.) from Komi yur “head” (D.M. Zakharov. 18) is doubtful in terms of semantics and toponymic surroundings. If this is a Finno-Ugric name, then, rather, one should look for other Finnish or Ugric (or even Samoyedic) roots. Wed R. Yuryugan (left. pr. Vetluga lev. pr. Volga), recorded in this form in the Book of the Great Drawing (XVII century - 21), is now called Yuronga. -yugan - a typical Ugric (Mansi) formant, -nga - possibly Mari or Baltic (cf. Palanga, see also below). Also r. Yuryakha (left. Mokhovoy Ave., left. Pura Ave., Pyasina Ave.) on Taimyr and Yuryakha (Korotaikhi Ave.) in the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, where –yakha “river” is a typical Nenets hydroformant. It is natural to assume (though not necessarily) that the basis can be explained from these languages. (Note in brackets that a number of Vyatka and Kama hydronyms, including Kama itself, have a mysterious correspondence in Taimyr and in the bass of the Yenisei.)

R. Cobra from the Komi Korbi "dense forest" is just as incredible, because it is not clear why the river is called a forest, especially since the dense forest in the northern regions is not a distinguishing feature. If r. Oshlan from perm. osh "bear", then it is not clear where the deer came from. R. Kurchum is explained from udm. “bast chum”, but it is also not clear why the river was called chum (the etymology of the name Kurchum must be considered in the context of the entire area with an ending in –um (cf. the Urzhum river), which extends far beyond the bass. Vyatka).

Mari language

Mari toponyms are also formed with the help of toponymic formants denoting the type of geographical object. We have already mentioned the hydroformants -nger, -ner, -ner, -ger with a preceding vowel. The Mari origin of the hydroformant –nga (-nka) is debatable. At least N.D. Rusinov and A.K. Matveev (33) do not attribute it to the Mari, in contrast to the Mari researchers. This issue requires further elaboration. The Mari oikonyms are characterized by the formants -nur (field) and -yal (village).

The analysis shows that Mari hydronyms are found in the Vyatka-Vetluzh interfluve, almost more in its northern part, while on the territory of the Republic of Mari El itself, Baltic or Balto-Slavic names are common, primarily of the most significant rivers. This suggests that the Mari population appeared there relatively late, having evicted, destroyed or assimilated the Baltic or Balto-Slavic population. And in the north of the Vyatka-Vetluzh interfluve, on the contrary, the Mari were assimilated by the Russians, although they remained there until the 18th century.

In the south-east of the Kirov region, we see a picture similar to the eastern regions (see the previous section): the isoglosses (boundaries of toponyms of the corresponding type) of the Mari oikonyms are located to the north of the isoglosses of the Mari hydronyms. Since, in principle, they are younger, this means that the Mari moved north and east, into the Kirov region, already in historical time.

Of course, these arguments about both Permian and Mari toponyms are rather speculative. To clarify the issue, it is necessary to analyze hydronyms (since they can be formed from more ancient layers of the language) with unidentified ends, because there may be formants formed from appellatives not preserved in modern languages. In particular, the origin of the river endings –nga, -ezh, -eg, -ym (-im), -um, -ik, etc., is not entirely clear.

At the same time, we will not forget that the main characteristics of a language do not change significantly even over millennia, therefore, for the most ancient hydronyms (if any), the general principles of word formation and phonetics of modern languages ​​are applicable.

And we note that even without a deep analysis it is clear that among the main tributaries of the Vyatka (except for the Kilmez, and even then with great doubt) there are no applicants for the Permian or Mari origin of the names. These can only be the names of tributaries of the second-third or more orders (ie, tributaries of tributaries and their tributaries).

Baltic-Finnish languages

In the north-west of the Kirov region there is an area of ​​hydronyms with the final formant -south. Almost all of it is located in the basin of the Yug River (the water system of the Northern Dvina), therefore, it is beyond the scope of this work. However, this formant is also found in the border regions of the Vyatka basin, and one hydronym is located quite far beyond the main isogloss (Murdyug River, left. Vyatka pr.).

In the basin of the Northern Dvina, and therefore, possibly, the South, the annalistic Zavolochskaya Chud lived. The ethnonym Chud was applied without specification to the Baltic-Finnish people - the ancestors of the Estonians. It can be assumed that the Zavolochskaya Chud was close in language to the Baltic Chud.

The hydroformant -south can (presumably) be derived from the Finnish joga "river". Some hydronyms with the hydroformant -south (but not all) are etymologized from the Baltic-Finnish languages, for example, Pinyug (pr. pr. Yuga) - from Fin. pieni or Veps pen "small".

The range of the formant-south is close to the places of residence of the Vepsians, therefore, it may be necessary to involve the instruments of this language. However, the very assignment of the Vepsian language to a particular language group is debatable. Some researchers attribute it to the Baltic-Finnic group, others believe that it occupies an intermediate position between the Baltic-Finnish languages ​​and the Volga-Finnish or Permian languages. It is possible that the extinct language of the inhabitants of the Yug River formed one special group with Vepsian. The problem requires further study, as well as the question of whether there are other toponyms belonging to the Baltic-Finnic or to some other, extinct, group of Finno-Ugric languages.

Sami language

The Sami language is formally assigned to the Baltic-Finnish group, but due to circumstances, which I will discuss below, I have singled out the Sami language in a separate section. The fact is that the Saami (Lapps, Laplanders) are very different from most Finno-Ugric peoples in racial terms (they form a special Lapland race) and from all peoples in their way of life and culture. The Sami language contains a number of lexemes from the primitive fund that do not belong to the Finno-Ugric ones, in particular, denoting concepts related to reindeer herding and deer hunting - their original occupations for thousands of years.

The Lapps were the first reindeer herders in Europe, and their ways of farming are completely original, unlike either those of Asian reindeer herders or their closest neighbors in the Arctic, the Nenets (who came from Asia already in historical time).

Therefore, researchers believe (see, for example, Bosi R. / Roberto Bosi /. 6) that the original language of the Lapps was different, not Finno-Ugric, and then they adopted the language of their more numerous neighbors, leaving only those words that had no analogues in ancient Finnish.

Western Laplanologists suggest that the Saami were the most ancient (or one of the most ancient) peoples of Western and Central Europe. They inhabited it from Spain to Finland, but then they were pushed back into the mountains (in the Pyrenees and the Alps) and to the North and died out as the reindeer herds were destroyed, remaining only in the territory of present-day Lapland. Anthropologists find similarities with the Laplanders (slightly laponoid) among the Basques and the indigenous inhabitants of the Alps.

It can be assumed that the ancestors of the Lapps occupied the entire forest part of Eastern Europe. Anthropological data do not contradict this. The index of facial flattening (according to G.F. Debets; 16) of the Neolithic population of the forest belt of the Russian Plain (combined series) is 45.0, which indicates a non-Caucasoid character of the population (for Caucasoids this index is from -16 to +20), and is correlated with modern Lapps (about 35, the decrease can be explained by a slight miscegenation, i.e. mixing with the surrounding Caucasoids). Even at the dawn of historical time, the Lapps lived much to the east and south of their current homeland, for example, in the area of ​​\u200b\u200bLadoga and Onega lakes. The range of Saami toponyms, according to generally accepted opinion, includes the current Karelia, the Arkhangelsk and Vologda regions (see the map in the article by E.M. Pospelov - 49, p. 36), coming close to the Kirov region from the northwest. At the same time, Pospelov himself (101), following Fasmer (107), also derives the name of the river. Luza (pr. Yuga) from the Sami (from the Sami. luss "salmon"), although Luza flows east of the isogloss indicated by him. And although this etymology seems more than doubtful (its criticism is beyond the scope of this work), it is still worth looking for traces of the Saami on the territory of the Kirov region, including in bass. Vyatka. On the territory of the Kirov region there are three villages called Lopari: two in the Slobodsky district and one in Darovsky. The latter is located on the Luptyug (pr. Vetluga pr.), and there is a river nearby. Laptyuzhka (left. Vetluga Ave.). Maybe the names of these rivers are from Fin. *lapp-to-joga, which can be translated as "a river inhabited (abundant) with Lapps"?

From hydronyms bass. Vyatka River can be considered a candidate for Sami origin. Chemelki (pr. Molomy Ave.), which is recorded in the letter of Ivan III from 1485 as Chemiolina, - under the Sami. čoalme "strait", a common hydroforming base in the areas of Sami hydronymy (the Chelma and Chelmasruchey rivers in Karelia and the Leningrad Region, the Chelmokhta River, etc.). In this case, metathesis could have occurred instead of contraction of vowels (which we observe in the Leningrad region) with (and as a result of) a very unusual phonetics for Vyatka toponymy.

It is worth paying attention to the rivers Nyuncha and Nincha (List of populated places according to the data of 1859 - 1873 104; 30 versts north of the city of Vyatka), whose names echo the "Saamiism" njuktša noted by M. Fasmer and the Saami appellative nyukhch - "swan ". However, the names of these rivers must be compared with the river flowing in the city of Kirov. Lyulchenko (left. Vyatka pr.; supposed original form * Lyulcha) and, taking into account the absence of the Finno-Ugric formant, also check the Indo-European (with German lul-, Other Ind. lulitas and Russian Lyuli) and Turkic versions (with Türkic cha (j) "water").

Hydronyms to the south should also be investigated for belonging to the Saami substrate - from the Saami. yogk "river".

But the most interesting thing is the name of the village Kuvakush (on many maps - Murinskaya) in the extreme east of the Kirov region, in the Afanasevsky district, which is very close to the Sami appellative kuvaksa "portable dwelling" (99, p. 311), and it is likely that the name villages are closer to the original sound than the form noted in the encyclopedia. Wed also der. Kuvakinskaya (Shenkursky district of the Arkhangelsk region) and the village. Kuyvakangas (prov. Norrbotten, Sweden, in a forested area on the border with Finland) in those areas where the presence of Sami place names is not surprising.

According to the "List of populated places according to the data of 1859 - 1873" The village of Kuvakush was inhabited by the Permians, or rather, the Zyuzdins, a special ethnographic group of the Komi, Russified in the 20th century. It was among the Zyuzda N.N. Cheboksarov noted laponoidity, generally speaking, for other Komi (Permyaks, Zyryans, Izhemtsy) is not characteristic (79).

The presence of the oikonyms Lopari (in the north-west, in the center and in the north of the Kirov region) and Kuvakush (in the east) indicates that even in historical time (within the time of preservation of the names of settlements) relic groups were preserved in the northern half of the Kirov region Lapps, of which, apparently, not all went to the northeast, but also partially dissolved in the local (new or also autochthonous) population, affecting the racial type of some groups.

Thus, we can conclude that toponymic research in the Sami direction can be productive. But it is possible that the oldest Vyatka substratum is connected precisely with the disappeared native language of the Lapps, and the task of this identification seems daunting, if not fantastic.

Ugric languages

The appearance of Ugric ethnic groups in the Vyatka region could have occurred in different eras. Hypotheses appeared in the press about the Ugric character of some historical cultures that were related to the Vyatka land (Ananya, Pyanobor). The discussion about the ancestral home of the Hungarians received especially great press. In this regard, Vyatka hydronyms were also noted in -im (th).

In the end, most researchers came to the conclusion that it was pointless to look for the ancestral home of the Hungarians north of the Southern Urals. N. D. Rusinov (51) notes insignificant Hungarian traces in the toponymy of the Nizhny Novgorod region, where they could be on the way from the Siberian steppes to Pannonia. But, firstly, the reliability of these traces is doubtful, and secondly, they are in the southern part of the Nizhny Novgorod region, i.e. in a different climatic zone and at a considerable distance from the territory under consideration.

A.K. Matveev, a well-known specialist in Ugric toponymy, at first admitted the possibility of Ugric interpretation of hydronyms in -im, but along with Finnish (32. 1970). However, in a later work (35. 1997. P. 9-10) he actually recognized both of these versions as untenable (as well as for other hydronyms ending in a nasal consonant with a preceding vowel, defining them as "mysterious").

On the other side:

from written sources we know about the battles of the Vyatchans with the Vogulichs (Mansi), which means that already in historical times the Ob Ugrians lived much closer to Vyatka than now;

in the Kirov region, incl. in bass. Vyatka, there are a lot of hydronyms in -ya, some may turn out to be Ugric (we talked about this above);

in the immediate vicinity of the territory under consideration, to the south-west, on a map of the 16th century. the hydronym Yuryugan with a typical Ugric (Mansiysk) topoformant -yugan was recorded, and this is even further from the current Mansiysk territory; in bass. Vyatka is r. Yurya with the same basis and formally Ugric ending (but Khanty);

in bass. Vyatka is r. Surgut (Ludyany Ave., left. Vyatka Ave.), whose name coincides with the ancient oikonym in the area of ​​the current settlement of the Khanty; according to the historian of Siberia P.N. Butsinsky Surgut was the name of an entire region like Narym; That. the name of the Vyatka river repeats the name of the Khanty area.

On this occasion, I would venture to put forward the opposite version: the Vyatka Surgut is not of Ugric, but of Indo-European origin, which means that the Siberian Surgut is also. It is based on the following facts:

Surgut is not etymologized from the Ugric languages ​​(A.K. Matveev, 35);

the Turkic version (based on synharmonism) did not find lexical confirmation;

in the Russian North-West there is a lake and a river with a similar name Stergut (Ostashkovsky district of the Tver province; 3. P. 196), which Ageeva refers to the Baltisms;

Ut is a typical Baltic suffix, widely represented in Baltic hydronymy;

Vyatskaya r. Surgut flows near (less than 10 km) the territory of continuous Baltic hydronymy (which we spoke about above);

in the Baltic languages ​​there is a root sarg- (lit. sargus "watchman", Latvian sargat "to guard, guard", sargs "watchman"); stems with similar semantics are often found in toponymy (cf. the numerous Vyatka Karauls and Cordons), incl. and in hydronymy with the meaning "border, guard river"; the change a > y is possible due to synharmonism, which is not excluded on the Russian linguistic soil for the harmonization of foreign names, but one can also assume the influence of the Turkic or Finno-Ugric substrate population (cf. the Vishkil and Kishkil rivers, located on the other side of the Vyatka Surgut in relation territories of the Baltic hydronymy);

Tver's Stergut can be explained as a partial Russian tracing-paper of the Baltic name, formed under conditions of bilingualism (cf. Rus. guard);

contrary to popular belief, Western Siberia is characterized by an Indo-European substrate, and the names of the largest rivers (Pyshma, Konda, Tavda, Iset, Ob) belong to it.

In any case, the presence of the hydronym Surgut cannot be considered an argument in favor of Ugric traces in Vyatka toponymy. But, of course, hydronyms ending in -я, incl. and Yurya, it is necessary to check for possible involvement in the Ugric languages. Although it can be said with a high degree of certainty that the Ugric ethnic groups, if they ever lived in any part of the Vyatka land, did not leave a deep mark in the Vyatka toponymy.

Samoyedic languages

The Samoyedic languages ​​are part of the Uralic family of languages ​​together with the Finno-Ugric languages, although they diverged a very long time ago (in the Neolithic, if not earlier). The appearance of Samoyeds in Vyatka contradicts the generally accepted historiography of these peoples, so the identification of Samoyed place names in this territory can be considered incredible. But still, individual Samoyedic traces seem to appear, but I still have too little material even to put forward this version, even as a hypothesis.

), where the Udmurts moved, which later became the basis for the future city of Khlynov.

Significant development in the settlements was given to home crafts: woodworking, the production of woolen and linen fabrics, fur products, iron and copper tools and weapons, pottery, bone products, women's jewelry, etc. The first artisans appeared, including metallurgists , casters, jewelers, blacksmiths, potters, furriers.

Trade relations begin to develop, trade relations are established with Russia, the Khazar Khaganate and the Volga-Bulgarian Khanate. However, this trade was one-sided: foreign merchants, using the trade route known to them along the Kama and Vyatka, connecting the Volga region with the Urals and the lands of the North, penetrated into the settlements of the Udmurts and Mari and bought honey, furs, skins, wax and other goods from them in exchange for gold and silver items, weapons, silk fabrics and other valuables.

In socio-political terms, the process of decomposition of the patriarchal-tribal system began in these territories, tribal nobility began to form, property inequality arises, which marked the beginning of the formation of classes of feudal lords, peasants and serfs. Volga Bulgaria and Rus' had a great economic and cultural influence on the Mari and Udmurts.

Colonization of the Vyatka region, the foundation of the city of Khlynov (XII-XIV centuries)

The penetration of Russians into the Vyatka basin began in the second half of the 12th century, and especially intensified in connection with the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the middle of the 13th century. According to archeology, they were immigrants from Kievan Rus and (or) from the territory of the Volga Bulgaria. A little later, Russian settlers from the Novgorod lands appeared on Vyatka, they came along the Northern Dvina, Molom, and also from the Vladimir-Suzdal principality along the Volga, Unzha, Vetluga to Molom. Both streams of settlers fell on the middle Vyatka, and populated its banks from Moloma to Letka.

Local written legends speak of the arrival of two detachments of Novgorodians to Vyatka. According to legend, in 1181 a detachment of Novgorodians captured the “Bolvansky town”, which was inhabited by “Otyaks and Chuds”, which stood on the right bank of the Vyatka near the Cheptsa River, settled in it, and renamed it Nikulitsyn. Another detachment captured the town of Koksharov, renaming it Kotelnich. After an unnamed time, both detachments united and created the common city of Khlynov.

Mass migration to the territory of the Vyatka region begins after the Tatar-Mongol invasion, people, fleeing the destructive invasion, moved further to the North. Soon a large number of immigrants from the Novgorod, Ustyug, Suzdal and Nizhny Novgorod lands concentrated in the region. Craftsmen and warriors, they settled mainly in large cities and villages.

In 1374, a detachment of Novgorod ushkuyniks (robbers) on 90 ushkuy (large river boats) made a trip to the Volga Bulgaria, which at that time was part of the Golden Horde. After a successful raid on the capital of Volga Bulgaria - the city of Bulgar, the detachment was divided into two groups, one on 50 ships went down the Kama to the capital of the Golden Horde, the other moved up, robbing the local settlements of the Mari and Chuvash along the way, reached the mouth of the Vetluga River, here Novgorodians burned their ships and on horseback moved along the banks of the Vetluga to Vyatka, reached Khlynov, where they remained:

Much indicates that part of the Ushkuiniki settled in Vyatka, although there is no reason to attribute to them the beginning of the Russian colonization of the region.

-1489.

In 1452, the Galician group was defeated, the city of Galich was destroyed by Moscow troops, Vasily and Dmitry Yurievich died. Vyatka boyars and merchants take power in Vyatka, the zemstvo (elected) voivode Yakov becomes the mayor, in 1455 a wooden Kremlin with wide earthen ramparts and a moat is built in Vyatka, called Khlynov along the Khlynovitsa river, which flows nearby. Construction was completed two years later.

In 1457, Grand Duke Vasily II sent his army against Khlynov, but they failed to take the new fortified Kremlin, and two months later the army retreated back to Moscow. In 1459, Vasily makes a second attempt to capture the city, after a long siege, the Khlynovites decided to surrender. Vyatka land became part of the Moscow principality, but retained the local elected administration under the supervision of the Moscow governor. In 1489, a huge 60,000-strong army was sent to Vyatka, independence was eliminated, part of the population (the best people) was taken to Moscow. The region, divided into counties, was ruled by sent governors: Slobodskoy, Khlynovsky, Orlovsky and Kotelnichsky. However, for about a hundred years, Vyatka partially retained its former freedoms. Vyatchane participated in military campaigns against Kazan and other opponents of Moscow.

Notes

Sources

• Encyclopedia of the land of Vyatka. Volume 4. History. GIPP "Vyatka", 1995. ISBN 5-86645-010-0
• Encyclopedia of the land of Vyatka. Volume 5. Architecture. GIPP "Vyatka", 1996. ISBN 5-86645-012-7

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