Two steps away from the new world. Caribbean Crisis: Causes, Resolution and Consequences
The confrontation between the Soviet and Western blocs during the "" approached its most dangerous line in the period of the so-called. Caribbean (Caribbean or Missile) crisis in the fall of 1962. A significant part of humanity was then on the verge of death.
Revolution in Cuba.
In 1952-1958. Cuba was ruled by the pro-American dictatorial regime of F. Batista. On January 1, 1959, as a result of the revolution, left-wing forces led by . Creation of a pro-communist state in traditional zone US interests was not just a blow, but a real shock to the political elite in Washington. In addition, the new regime in Cuba immediately began to change political life, the restructuring of the economy, the nationalization of enterprises and the liquidation of large latifundia. The changes caused dissatisfaction among Cubans associated with the Batista regime, many of them emigrated to the United States, capital flight began, and sabotage occurred in the country.
In order to overthrow Castro, the US Central Intelligence Agency immediately began preparing a sabotage action, it was about preparing armed detachments of Cuban emigrants for landing on Liberty Island. The new government of Cuba began to seek support from the USSR, between them was signed trade agreement about the purchase of 5 million tons of Cuban sugar within five years, the supply of weapons also began. New president The United States supported the decision of its predecessor and in April 1961, a landing force of 1.5 thousand people, consisting of Cuban emigrants, landed in the Bay of Pigs on Playa Giron, but was quickly defeated. Also american planes with Cuban insignia carried out the bombing of Cuba. The action did not bring the expected result.
Rupture of relations with the USA, rapprochement with the USSR.
There was no action against the revolutionary authorities. On the contrary, after that, the Castro regime began to gain popularity.
In response, in January 1962, Washington achieved the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States, and economic relations with Havana were severed. Under these conditions, Castro strove for a closer rapprochement with Moscow. This was required by the tasks of defending the Island of Freedom from a new attack and the successful implementation of social reforms.
In turn, Moscow was interested in creating a military base in Cuba, as opposed to NATO bases around the borders of the USSR. The fact is that in April 1962, American nuclear missiles medium-range, threatening the western part of the Soviet Union, so in May N.S. Khrushchev put forward the idea of placing Soviet medium-range nuclear missiles in Cuba. The goal would be to protect revolutionary Cuba and deter the United States from the aggression that was being prepared. At the same time, the Cuban leadership advocated the signing of an open military treaty with Moscow and the supply of conventional weapons.
Operation Anadyr
In the USSR, a secret operation "Anadyr" was developed, which provided for the creation of a group Soviet troops in Cuba, armed with 42 nuclear-tipped missiles, as well as covering forces. The total number of military personnel was to be 60 thousand people. The appearance of such a base in the Western Hemisphere changed the overall balance of power not in favor of the United States. The operation began in July 1962 with the arrival of a group of the Soviet command headed by General I.A. Pliev, who had the authority to use nuclear weapons in the event of a full-scale US attack on Cuba, began the transfer of missiles in September. Marshal of the USSR O.Kh. planned and directed the Anadyr operation. Bagramyan.
According to the drafters of the plan, the name was supposed to mislead the Americans regarding the destination of the cargo. All Soviet military, sailors, technical personnel and others who accompanied the "cargo" were also told that they were heading for Chukotka. For greater reliability, whole wagons of fur coats and sheepskin coats came to the ports. A total of 85 ships were allocated. Neither the sailors nor even the captains of the ships knew about the contents of the containers before sailing, as well as about the destination. Each captain was given a sealed package to be opened at sea. The envelopes contained instructions to go to Cuba and avoid contact with NATO ships. But the movement of Soviet ships could not go unnoticed by the Americans.
On September 4, 1962, President John F. Kennedy officially announced that the United States would in no case tolerate the deployment of offensive weapons 150 km from its coast. Khrushchev replied that only research equipment was being installed in Cuba, as well as some purely defensive weapons. Under these conditions, the command of the US troops decided to speed up the preparation of a military operation in Cuba, and the USSR continued to deploy the Group of Soviet Forces. But on October 14, an American reconnaissance aircraft photographed the missile launch pads from the air. On the morning of October 16, the photographs lay on President Kennedy's desk.
Under the president, an "Executive Committee" was immediately created, consisting of 14 people and discussing various options for action. The US military offered to immediately bomb Soviet missiles from the air and launch an invasion of the island by the Marine Corps. Such actions led to the inevitable war with Soviet Union, if not in Cuba, then in Berlin, in the victorious outcome of which Kennedy was not sure. At the same time, the statements of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and the Ambassador of the USSR A.F. Dobrynin, who denied the presence of Soviet missiles on the Island of Freedom, only increased the atmosphere of general distrust. I must say that both of them really did not know anything about Khrushchev's plans and the ongoing operation.
Escalation of the conflict.
President Kennedy addressed the American public (and the Soviet government) in a televised speech on October 22. He confirmed the presence of missiles in Cuba and declared a naval blockade of 500 nautical miles (926 km) around the coast of Cuba, warning that armed forces will be "ready for any development of events", and condemned the Soviet Union for "secrecy and misrepresentation". Indeed, the blockade was incomplete, and "quarantine" meant the exclusion of ships with Soviet weapons. American army was put on alert, on October 24, the blockade of the island by the US Navy began in the amount of 180 ships. In response, a general mobilization was announced in Cuba.
N.S. Khrushchev declared that the blockade was illegal and that any ship flying the Soviet flag would ignore it. He threatened that if Soviet ships were attacked by Americans, a retaliatory strike would follow immediately. Soviet troops and forces of the Warsaw Pact countries were put on alert. In the same time american ships received an order not to shoot at Soviet ships without a direct order from the president, and Moscow made some concessions, and some of the ships were ordered to turn back. On October 25, at the UN Security Council, the American side showed photographs of missiles, the presence of which stubbornly denied the representative of the USSR V. Zorin, who knew nothing about the transfer of troops to Cuba.
In this difficult situation, UN Secretary-General U Thant suggested that the United States abandon the blockade, and the USSR - from the supply of offensive weapons to the Island of Freedom. Khrushchev soon realized that Kennedy would stand his ground to the end, and on October 26 he sent two messages to the president in which he acknowledged the presence of a powerful Soviet weapons, but at the same time tried to convince Kennedy that the USSR was not going to attack the United States, and the introduction of "quarantine" was illegal. It also spoke about the need for guarantees from the US top leadership not to attack Cuba, as well as to remove missiles from Turkey (in a message dated October 27), in response to these steps, the USSR was ready to stop the delivery of new missiles and take out all available ones. Khrushchev ended the letter with the famous phrase: "You and I should not now pull the ends of the rope on which you tied the knot of war." The position of the White House remained the same - the immediate withdrawal of missiles.
The world is on the brink of nuclear war between the two superpowers.
The day of October 27 became the most critical for the entire time of the crisis, therefore it was called “Black Saturday”. Then a Soviet anti-aircraft missile shot down one of the many US U-2 reconnaissance aircraft over the island. Its pilot, Rudolf Anderson, was killed, becoming the only casualty of the confrontation. The situation escalated to the limit, and the US President decided two days later to start bombing Soviet missile bases and start landing on Cuba.
In those days, many Americans, frightened by the prospect of nuclear war, left large cities and dug bomb shelters on their own. On October 27, the brother of the President of the United States, Robert Kennedy, informed the USSR Ambassador Dobrynin about the real threat big war between the USA and the USSR, and about the readiness to tacitly agree on the elimination of American missiles in Turkey, but for this it was necessary to obtain the consent of the NATO allies. However, all this time, unofficial contacts were maintained between Moscow and Washington, the parties considered various proposals in order to move away from the dangerous line.
Crisis resolution.
On the morning of October 28, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU decided to adopt American condition, which consisted in the fact that the USSR withdraws its missiles from Cuba, after which the United States lifts the blockade of the island. The Kremlin already knew about the planned bombing of Cuba, so the message was urgently broadcast on Moscow radio. N. Khrushchev said: "In order to reassure the people of America, the Soviet government ordered the dismantling of weapons that you call offensive, their packaging and return to the Soviet Union." At the same time, the decision was made without the consent of the Cuban leadership, which put forward its own special demands, including the lifting of the economic blockade of the Island of Freedom and the liquidation of the American military base in Guantamano. Officially remaining in the Soviet position, Castro criticized the actions of Moscow, and especially Khrushchev.
International tension began to subside rapidly after October 28. The Soviet Union removed its Il-28 missiles and bombers from Cuba in 3 weeks, and on November 20, the United States lifted the naval blockade of the island and assumed an obligation not to attack Cuba and not to support such an attack. A few months later, the withdrawal of American missiles from Turkish territory followed. Formally, the crisis ended on January 7, 1963, when representatives of the USSR and the USA addressed a joint letter to Secretary General UN with a request to remove the issue of the Caribbean crisis from the agenda of the UN Security Council. In general, the Cuban crisis showed the great powers that the continuation of the arms race and drastic actions on international arena can plunge the world into the abyss of a global and all-destroying war. And, paradoxically, with the overcoming of the Caribbean crisis, an impetus was given to detente: each of the opponents realized that the opposing side was striving to avoid a nuclear war. The US and the USSR became more aware of the limits of acceptable confrontation in the Cold War, the need to seek a compromise on issues of bilateral relations. For this, it was necessary to intensify the process of negotiations, to provide permanent, stable channels of communication. It is no coincidence that in June 1963 the USSR and the USA signed a memorandum on the establishment of a special line of direct communication between the Kremlin and the White House, the so-called. "red phone".
For N.S. Khrushchev Caribbean crisis also did not go unnoticed. His concessions were seen by many as a sign of weakness, further undermining the authority of the Soviet leader among the Kremlin leadership. In the United States, the results of the Caribbean crisis also did not receive an unambiguous assessment. American hardliners towards the USSR reacted negatively to the pragmatic tendencies in the policy of Kennedy, who was assassinated a year later in Dallas.
With the last salvos of the Second World War, the world turned out to be imaginary. Yes, from that moment guns did not rumble, clouds of planes did not roar in the sky, and tank columns did not roll along the streets of cities. It seemed that after such a destructive and devastating war as the Second World War became, in all countries and on all continents they would finally understand how dangerous political games could become. However, this did not happen. The world plunged into a new confrontation, even more dangerous and large-scale, which was later given a very subtle and capacious name - the Cold War.
The confrontation between the main political centers of influence in the world has moved from battlefields to a confrontation between ideologies and economics. An unprecedented arms race began, which gave rise to a nuclear confrontation between the warring parties. The foreign political situation has again heated up to the limit, each time threatening to escalate into an armed conflict on a planetary scale. The first sign was the Korean War, which broke out five years after the end of World War II. Even then, the US and the USSR began to measure their strength behind the scenes and unofficially, participating in the conflict to varying degrees. The next peak of the confrontation between the two superpowers was the Caribbean crisis of 1962 - the aggravation of the international political situation, which threatened to plunge the planet into a nuclear apocalypse.
The events that took place during this period clearly showed mankind how shaky and fragile the world can be. The atomic monopoly of the United States ended in 1949 when the USSR tested its own atomic bomb. The military-political confrontation between the two countries has reached a qualitative level. new level. nuclear bombs, strategic aviation and the missiles leveled the odds on both sides, making them equally vulnerable to nuclear retaliation. Realizing the full danger and consequences of the use of nuclear weapons, the opposing sides switched to outright nuclear blackmail.
Now both the USA and the USSR tried to use their own nuclear arsenals as an instrument of pressure, seeking to achieve large dividends for themselves in the political arena. An indirect cause of the Caribbean crisis can be considered attempts at nuclear blackmail, which was resorted to by the leadership of both the United States and the Soviet Union. The Americans, having installed their medium-range nuclear missiles in Italy and Turkey, sought to put pressure on the USSR. The Soviet leadership, in response to these aggressive steps, tried to transfer the game to the field of their opponent by placing their own nuclear missiles at the side of the Americans. Cuba was chosen as the place for such a dangerous experiment, which in those days was in the center of attention of the whole world, becoming the key to Pandora's box.
The true causes of the crisis
Considering superficially the history of the most acute and bright period in the confrontation between the two world powers, various conclusions can be drawn. On the one hand, the events of 1962 showed how vulnerable human civilization is in the face of the threat of nuclear war. On the other hand, the whole world was shown how peaceful coexistence depends on the ambitions of a certain group of people, one or two people who make fatal decisions. Who did the right thing, who did not in this situation, time judged. The real confirmation of this is that we are now writing materials on this topic, analyzing the chronology of events, and studying the true causes of the Caribbean crisis.
The presence or coincidence of various factors brought the world in 1962 to the brink of disaster. Here it would be appropriate to focus on the following aspects:
- the presence of objective factors;
- the action of subjective factors;
- time frame;
- planned results and goals.
Each of the proposed points reveals not only the presence of certain physical and psychological factors, but also sheds light on the very essence of the conflict. A thorough analysis of the current situation in the world in October 1962 is necessary, since for the first time humanity really felt the threat of complete annihilation. Neither before nor after, not a single armed conflict or military-political confrontation had such high stakes.
The objective reasons that explain the main essence of the crisis that has arisen are the attempts of the leadership of the Soviet Union, headed by N.S. Khrushchev to find ways out of the dense ring of encirclement in which the entire Soviet bloc found itself in the early 1960s. By this time, the United States and its NATO allies had managed to concentrate powerful strike groups along the entire perimeter of the USSR. In addition to strategic missiles deployed at missile bases in North America, the Americans had a fairly large air fleet of strategic bombers.
In addition to everything, the US has placed in Western Europe and on the southern borders of the Soviet Union, a whole armada of intermediate and shorter range missiles. And this despite the fact that the United States, Great Britain and France taken together, in terms of the number of warheads and carriers, were many times superior to the USSR. It was the deployment of Jupiter medium-range missiles in Italy and Turkey that became last straw for the Soviet leadership, which decided to make a similar attack on the enemy.
The nuclear missile power of the USSR at that time could not be called a real counterweight to the American nuclear power. The flight range of Soviet missiles was limited, and submarines capable of carrying only three R-13 ballistic missiles did not differ in high tactical and technical data. There was only one way to make the Americans feel that they, too, were under a nuclear sight, by placing Soviet ground-based nuclear missiles at their side. Even if the Soviet missiles were not distinguished by high flight characteristics and the relative small number of warheads, such a threat could have a sobering effect on the Americans.
In other words, the essence of the Caribbean crisis lies in the natural desire of the USSR to equalize the chances of a mutual nuclear threat with its potential adversaries. How this was done is another question. We can say that the result exceeded the expectations of both one and the other side.
Prerequisites for the conflict and the goals of the parties
The subjective factor that played the main role in this conflict is post-revolutionary Cuba. After the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Fidel Castro's regime followed in the wake of Soviet foreign policy, which greatly annoyed its mighty northern neighbor. After the failure to overthrow the revolutionary government in Cuba by force of arms, the Americans switched to a policy of economic and military pressure on the young regime. The US trade blockade against Cuba only accelerated the development of events that played into the hands of the Soviet leadership. Khrushchev, echoed by the military, gladly accepts Fidel Castro's proposal to send a Soviet military contingent to Liberty Island. In the strictest secrecy at the highest level, on May 21, 1962, a decision was made to send Soviet troops to Cuba, including missiles with nuclear warheads.
From that moment on, events begin to unfold at a rapid pace. Time limits are in effect. After the return of the Soviet military-diplomatic mission headed by Rashidov from the island of Freedom, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU meets in the Kremlin on June 10. At this meeting, the Minister of Defense of the USSR for the first time announced and submitted for consideration a draft plan for the transfer of Soviet troops and nuclear ICBMs to Cuba. The operation was codenamed Anadyr.
Rashidov, the head of the Soviet delegation, and Rashidov, who had returned from a trip to Liberty Island, decided that the faster and more imperceptibly the entire operation to transfer Soviet missile units to Cuba was carried out, the more unexpected this step would be for the United States. On the other hand, the current situation will force both sides to look for a way out of the current situation. Beginning in June 1962, the military-political situation took a menacing turn, pushing both sides towards an inevitable military-political clash.
The last aspect to be taken into account when considering the cause of the Cuban crisis of 1962 is a realistic assessment of the goals and objectives pursued by each of the parties. The United States, under President Kennedy, was at the height of its economic and military power. The appearance of a state of socialist orientation at the side of the world hegemon caused tangible damage to America's reputation as a world leader, therefore, in this context, the desire of the Americans to destroy the first socialist state in the Western Hemisphere by force of military, economic and political pressure is quite understandable. The American President and most of the American establishment were extremely determined in achieving their goals. And this despite the fact that the risk of a direct military clash with the USSR in the White House was estimated very highly.
Soviet Union, led General Secretary The Central Committee of the CPSU Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev tried not to miss his chance, supporting the Castro regime in Cuba. The situation in which the young state found itself required the adoption of decisive measures and steps. The mosaic of world politics took shape in favor of the USSR. Using socialist Cuba, the USSR could create a threat to the territory of the United States, which, being overseas, considered themselves completely safe from Soviet missiles.
The Soviet leadership tried to squeeze the maximum out of the current situation. In addition, the Cuban government played in unison with the plans of the Soviets. You can not discount and personal factors. In the context of the intensified confrontation between the USSR and the USA over Cuba, the personal ambitions and charisma of the Soviet leader were clearly manifested. Khrushchev could go down in world history as a leader who dared to directly challenge a nuclear power. We should give credit to Khrushchev, he succeeded. Despite the fact that the world literally hung in the balance for two weeks, the parties managed to some extent achieve what they wanted.
The military component of the Caribbean crisis
The transfer of Soviet troops to Cuba, called Operation Anadyr, began at the end of June. Such an uncharacteristic name for the operation, which is associated with the delivery of secret cargo by sea to southern latitudes, is explained by military-strategic plans. Loaded with troops, equipment and personnel, Soviet ships were to be sent to the North. The purpose of such a large-scale operation for the general public and foreign intelligence was banal and prosaic, providing economic cargo and personnel for settlements along the route of the Northern Sea Route.
Soviet ships left the ports of the Baltic, from Severomorsk and from the Black Sea, following their usual course to the north. Further, lost in high latitudes, they sharply changed course in the direction to the south, following the coast of Cuba. Such maneuvers were supposed to mislead not only the American fleet, which patrolled the entire North Atlantic, but also the American intelligence channels. It is important to note that the secrecy with which the operation was carried out gave a stunning effect. Careful camouflage of preparatory operations, transportation of missiles on ships and placement were carried out in complete secrecy from the Americans. In the same perspective, the equipment of launch positions and the deployment of missile divisions on the island took place.
Neither in the Soviet Union, nor in the United States, nor in any other country in the world, could anyone even imagine that in such a short time an entire missile army would be deployed under the noses of the Americans. The flights of American spy planes did not provide accurate information about what was really going on in Cuba. In total, until October 14, when Soviet ballistic missiles were photographed during the flight of the American U-2 reconnaissance aircraft, the Soviet Union transferred and deployed 40 R-12 and R-14 medium and intermediate range missiles on the island. In addition to everything, Soviet cruise missiles with nuclear warheads.
The photographs, which clearly showed the positions of Soviet missiles in Cuba, produced the effect of a bombshell. The news that the entire territory of the United States is now within the reach of Soviet nuclear missiles, the total equivalent of which was 70 megatons of TNT, shocked not only the highest echelons of the United States government, but also the bulk of the country's civilian population.
In total, 85 Soviet cargo ships took part in the Anadyr operation, which managed to covertly deliver not only missiles and launchers, but also a lot of other military and service equipment, service personnel and combatant army units. By October 1962, 40 thousand military contingents of the USSR Armed Forces were stationed in Cuba.
A game of nerves and a swift denouement
The reaction of the Americans to the situation was instantaneous. An Executive Committee was urgently created in the White House, headed by President John F. Kennedy. A variety of retaliatory options were considered, starting with a pinpoint strike on missile positions and ending with an armed invasion of American troops on the island. The most acceptable option was chosen - a complete naval blockade of Cuba and an ultimatum presented to the Soviet leadership. It should be noted that as early as September 27, 1962, Kennedy received carte blanche from Congress to use the armed forces to correct the situation in Cuba. The US President pursued a different strategy, tending to solve the problem through military-diplomatic means.
Open intervention could result in serious casualties among the personnel, besides, no one denied possible application the Soviet Union more ambitious countermeasures. An interesting fact is that in none of the official conversations at the highest level, the USSR did not admit that there were Soviet offensive missile weapons in Cuba. In this light, the United States had no choice but to act on its own, thinking less about world prestige and more concerned about its own national security.
You can talk and discuss all the vicissitudes of negotiations, meetings and meetings of the UN Security Council for a long time, but today it becomes clear that the political games of the leadership of the USA and the USSR in October 1962 led humanity to a dead end. No one could guarantee that each next day of global confrontation would not be the last day of peace. The results of the Caribbean crisis were acceptable to both sides. In the course of the agreements reached, the Soviet Union removed the missiles from the island of Freedom. Three weeks later, the last Soviet missile left Cuba. Literally the next day, November 20, the United States lifted the naval blockade of the island. The following year, Turkey was curtailed missile systems"Jupiter".
In this context, the personalities of Khrushchev and Kennedy deserve special attention. Both leaders were under constant pressure from their own advisers and the military, who were already ready to unleash the Third World War. However, both were smart enough not to follow the hawks of world politics. Not here last role played the speed of reaction of both leaders in making important decisions, as well as the presence common sense. Within two weeks, the whole world clearly saw how quickly the world's established order can be turned into chaos.
In 1952-1958. Cuba was ruled by the pro-American dictatorship of Batista. In early January 1959, the Batista regime was overthrown, left-wing radicals headed by F. Castro came to power, who began to democratize political life, nationalize telephone companies, introduce a system of social guarantees, agrarian reform which eliminated large foreign land holdings. These measures caused discontent among the population associated with the Batista regime and serving the Americans.
In 1960, the United States, supporting Cuban emigrants, took economic and military measures against the Castro regime. Castro began to strengthen ties with the USSR by signing a trade agreement under which the USSR bought 5 million tons of Cuban sugar over 5 years. Soviet deliveries of weapons and manufactured goods began. Cuba announced the entry of the country into the "social camp". On April 17, 1961, the United States, counting on a speech against Castro, bombed Cuba and landed armed detachments in the Playa Giron area (the coast of Cachinos Bay). However, the performance did not happen, and the detachments were defeated, which damaged the prestige of the United States and added to Castro's popularity.
The J. Kennedy administration paid much attention to improving its reputation in Latin America. March 13, 1961, she put forward a program of economic assistance to Latin American countries in the amount of $ 500 million. Under loud name Alliance for Progress. The activities of the Union for Progress were aimed at preventing the spread of the radical ideas of the Cuban revolution to other Latin American countries.
In January 1962, Cuba was excluded from the Organization of American States and 15 countries Latin America broke off relations with her. An embargo was imposed on trade with Cuba. By the summer of 1962, the situation worsened. The United States was preparing a military operation against her. The USSR declared support for Cuba in the event of an attack. But the balance of power was not in favor of the USSR. The USA had 300 continental missiles, the USSR - 75. The USA placed their bases along the perimeter of the socialist camp (Germany, Italy, Japan, etc.). In April 1962, medium-range missiles were deployed in Turkey. The USSR decided to deploy Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba, which increased the vulnerability of American territory and meant the USSR was moving towards parity with the United States.
In May 1962, a decision was made in Moscow to create a Group of Soviet Forces with a strength of 60 thousand people (43rd missile division with 3 regiments of R-12 missiles (with a range of 1700-1800 km) and 2 regiments of R- 14 (3500-3600 km)) in Cuba (Operation Anadyr) and received the consent of Cuba. It was supposed to secretly place 40 Soviet missiles. It was planned to base a squadron of surface ships and a squadron of submarines. The creation of this grouping changed the overall balance of power not in favor of the United States.
In July 1962, a Cuban military delegation headed by Raul Castro arrived in Moscow. She negotiated with the military leaders of the USSR on providing Cuba military aid. The negotiations went on for a long time, and on July 3 and 8, N.S. also took part in them. Khrushchev. It can be safely assumed that it was during these days that the decision was made to deploy in Cuba medium-range missiles with nuclear warheads and bombers capable of carrying atomic bombs, and the details of their shipment were agreed upon. When this formidable weapon was loaded onto Soviet ships and the ships set off one after another on a long journey with their deadly cargo, Khrushchev undertook the longest trip around the country of his entire time in power.
However, Khrushchev, his advisers and allies underestimated the determination and ability of the United States to resist the emergence of Soviet missile bases in the Western Hemisphere. For in addition to the norms of international law, there was the so-called Monroe Doctrine, the main principle of which was defined by the words: "America for the Americans." This doctrine was unilaterally proclaimed back in 1823 by US President D. Monroe in order to prevent the restoration of Spanish rule in Latin America.
Operation Anadyr began in July 1962. In late September and early October, heavy cloud cover in the Cuban region prevented photographic reconnaissance. This facilitated the covert and urgent work on the creation of launchers. Khrushchev and Castro hoped that all work would be completed before US intelligence discovered exactly what kind of defensive weapons Cuba now had. On October 4, the first Soviet R-12 missile was put on alert. American intelligence discovered heavy movements of Soviet transports to Cuba. On October 1, the US Joint Command in the Atlantic Ocean zone received a directive by October 20 to prepare forces and means for delivering strikes on Cuba and landing on the island. The armed forces of the USA and the USSR approached a dangerous line.
On October 14, an American reconnaissance aircraft took aerial photographs indicating the deployment of Soviet missiles in Cuba. On October 18, in a conversation with Gromyko, Kennedy directly asked about the deployment of missiles, but the Soviet minister did not know anything.
On October 22, the US military was put on full alert On October 24, the US Navy placed a naval "quarantine" on Cuba to prevent the transfer of offensive weapons. The USSR could not go into direct military confrontation with the United States. On October 22, Castro put the armed forces on alert and announced general mobilization. On October 24-25, the UN Secretary General proposed his plan for resolving the crisis: the United States refused to "quarantine", and the USSR refused to supply offensive weapons to Cuba. On October 25, the Soviet tanker "Bucharest" crossed the "quarantine" line without being inspected by American ships, at the same time, 12 of the 25 Soviet ships bound for Cuba were instructed to turn back.
The USSR demanded from the United States guarantees of the security of Cuba and promised to refuse the deployment of Soviet weapons, and raised the issue of missiles in Turkey. The United States demanded from the USSR that all types of offensive weapons be removed from Cuba under the supervision of the UN and that they take an obligation not to supply such weapons to Cuba; The US, for its part, should have lifted the lockdown and not supported the invasion of Cuba. On October 27, R. Kennedy informed Dobrynin (USSR Ambassador to the USA) of the readiness of the United States to tacitly agree on the elimination of American missile installations in Turkey. On October 28, the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee decided to accept this proposal. The most acute phase of the crisis has passed.
However, Castro put forward a number of impracticable demands, including the lifting of the US embargo on trade with Cuba, the elimination of the US Guantanamo Bay base from the island, and so on.
As a result of negotiations, the United States from November 20, 1962 abandoned the maritime quarantine they had introduced; pledged not to attack Cuba; The USSR undertook to remove offensive weapons from the island (medium-range missiles, as well as IL-28 bombers). The United States secretly resolved the issue of withdrawing American missiles from Turkish territory. The United States could only visually follow the withdrawal of missiles from Cuba. Formally, the crisis ended on January 7, 1963, when the crisis was removed from the agenda of the UN Security Council.
THAT. the leaders of the two superpowers realized the danger of balancing on the brink of nuclear war. A major crisis was averted. The advance of Soviet military power into the Western Hemisphere increased the vulnerability of the United States. Cuba's support meant a challenge to US monopoly influence in the Americas. An intensified arms race was combined with a desire for mutually acceptable agreements. The crisis has introduced an element of discord between the US and Europe (possible involvement in crises that do not affect them). In 1963 a direct communication line was established between Moscow and Washington. The understanding about establishing common rules of conduct has grown.
The outbreak of the Caribbean crisis forced politicians around the world to look at nuclear weapons from a new perspective. For the first time, it clearly played the role of a deterrent. The sudden appearance of Soviet medium-range missiles in Cuba and the lack of an overwhelming superiority in the number of ICBMs and SLBMs over the Soviet Union made the military way of resolving the conflict impossible. The American military leadership immediately declared the need for rearmament, in fact, heading for unleashing a strategic offensive arms race (START). The desires of the military found due support in the US Senate. Enormous money was allocated for the development of strategic offensive arms, which made it possible to qualitatively and quantitatively improve the strategic nuclear forces (SNF).
The Caribbean crisis confirmed John F. Kennedy's need to centralize control over the use of American nuclear weapons in Europe and limit the ability of European allies to risk the use of nuclear weapons at their own discretion. Following this logic, in October 1962, at a session of the NATO Council, US Secretary of State D. Rusk put forward a proposal to create a "multilateral nuclear force." This plan provided for the formation of a single nuclear defense potential of the Western European countries and the United States, which would be under the command of NATO military structures.
France has drawn its own conclusions from the Caribbean crisis. Although President Charles de Gaulle supported US actions during the crisis, he became more aware of the impossibility for France to be a hostage to the Soviet-American confrontation. The French leadership began to incline even more strongly towards distancing itself from the United States in the military-strategic field. Following this logic, de Gaulle decided to create independent French nuclear forces. If until July 1961 France actively opposed the admission of the FRG to nuclear weapons, then in 1962 the French leaders ceased to rule out the possibility of West Germany becoming a nuclear power perspective in 5-10 years.
In December 1962, on Bahamas in Nassau, British Prime Minister G. Macmillan and US President Kennedy signed an agreement on Britain's participation in the NSNF program.
By the autumn of 1962, tensions in the post-war international system were at their peak. The world actually found itself on the brink of a general nuclear war provoked by a confrontation between the two superpowers. The bipolar system of the world, while balancing the US and the USSR on the brink of war, turned out to be an unstable and dangerous type of organization of the international order. From the "third world war" the world was kept only by fear of the use of atomic weapons. The risk from its use was unlimitedly high. Immediate efforts were required to harmonize and establish some new strict rules of behavior in the nuclear-space world.
The Caribbean crisis became the highest point of military-strategic instability in the Defense Ministry throughout the second half of the 20th century. At the same time, he marked the end of the policy of balancing on the brink of war, which determined the atmosphere of international relations during the period of crises of the international system between 1948-1962.
At the same time, this war was far from homogeneous: it was a series of crises, local military conflicts, revolutions and coups, as well as the normalization of relations and even their “thaw”. One of the most "hot" stages of the Cold War was the Cuban Missile Crisis, a crisis when the whole world froze, preparing for the worst.
Background and causes of the Caribbean Crisis
In 1952, military commander F. Batista came to power in Cuba as a result of a military coup. This coup caused widespread indignation among the Cuban youth and the progressive part of the population. Fidel Castro became the leader of the opposition to Batista, who already on July 26, 1953, took up arms against the dictatorship. However, this uprising (on this day the rebels stormed the barracks of Moncada) was unsuccessful, and Castro, along with his surviving supporters, went to jail. Only thanks to a powerful socio-political movement in the country, the rebels were amnestied already in 1955.
After that, F. Castro and his supporters launched a full-scale guerrilla war against government troops. Their tactics soon began to bear fruit, and in 1957 the troops of F. Batista suffered a series of serious defeats in countryside. At the same time, general indignation at the policies of the Cuban dictator also grew. All these processes resulted in a revolution, which, as expected, ended with the victory of the rebels in January 1959. Fidel Castro became the de facto ruler of Cuba.
At first, the new Cuban government sought to find a common language with the formidable northern neighbor, but then US President D. Eisenhower did not even deign to host F. Castro. It also became clear that the ideological differences between the US and Cuba could not allow them to fully converge. The USSR seemed to be the most attractive ally of F. Castro.
Having established diplomatic relations with Cuba, the Soviet leadership established trade with the country and provided it with enormous assistance. Dozens of Soviet specialists, hundreds of parts and other critical cargoes were sent to the island. Relations between the countries quickly became friendly.
Operation Anadyr
Another of the main causes of the Cuban Missile Crisis was by no means the revolution in Cuba and not the situation associated with these events. Türkiye joined NATO in 1952. Since 1943, this state has had a pro-American orientation, connected, among other things, with the neighborhood of the USSR, with which the country did not have the best relations.
In 1961, the deployment of American troops began in Turkey. ballistic missiles medium range with nuclear warheads. This decision of the American leadership was dictated by a number of circumstances such as more high speed the approach of such missiles to targets, as well as the possibility of pressure on the Soviet leadership due to the even more clearly marked American nuclear superiority. The deployment of nuclear missiles in Turkey seriously upset the balance of power in the region, putting the Soviet leadership in an almost hopeless situation. It was then that it was decided to use the new bridgehead almost at the side of the United States.
The Soviet leadership turned to F. Castro with a proposal to deploy 40 Soviet ballistic missiles with nuclear warheads in Cuba and soon received a positive response. The General Staff of the USSR Armed Forces began the development of the Anadyr operation. The purpose of this operation was to deploy Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba, as well as a military contingent of about 10 thousand people and an aviation group (helicopter, attack and fighter aircraft).
In the summer of 1962, Operation Anadyr began. It was preceded by a powerful set of camouflage measures. So, often the captains of transport ships did not know what kind of cargo they were transporting, not to mention the personnel, who did not even know where the transfer was being made. For camouflage, minor cargoes were stored in many ports of the Soviet Union. In August, the first Soviet transports arrived in Cuba, and in the autumn the installation of ballistic missiles began.
Beginning of the Cuban Missile Crisis
In the early autumn of 1962, when it became clear to the American leadership that there were Soviet missile bases in Cuba, the White House had three options for action. These options are: the destruction of bases through pinpoint strikes, the invasion of Cuba, or the imposition of a naval blockade of the island. The first option had to be abandoned.
In order to prepare for the invasion of the island, American troops began to be transferred to Florida, where they were concentrated. However, putting Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba on full alert also made the option of a full-scale invasion very risky. There was a naval blockade.
Based on all the data, having weighed all the pros and cons, the United States already in mid-October announced the introduction of quarantine against Cuba. This wording was introduced because the announcement of the blockade would be an act of war, and the United States was its instigators and aggressors, since the deployment of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba was not a violation of any international treaties. But, following its long-standing logic, where "the strong is always right," the United States continued to provoke a military conflict.
The introduction of quarantine, which began on October 24 at 10:00, provided only a complete cessation of arms supplies to Cuba. As part of this operation Naval Forces The United States surrounded Cuba and began patrolling coastal waters, while receiving instructions not to open fire on Soviet ships in any case. At that time, about 30 Soviet ships were heading towards Cuba, carrying, among other things, nuclear warheads. It was decided to send some of these forces back to avoid conflict with the United States.
Development of the crisis
By October 24, the situation around Cuba began to heat up. On this day, Khrushchev received a telegram from the President of the United States. In it, Kennedy demanded to observe the quarantine of Cuba and "keep prudence." Khrushchev responded to the telegram quite sharply and negatively. The next day, at an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council, a scandal broke out caused by a skirmish between Soviet and American representatives.
Nevertheless, both the Soviet and the American leadership clearly understood that it was completely pointless for both sides to escalate the conflict. Thus, the Soviet government decided to take a course towards the normalization of relations with the United States and diplomatic negotiations. Khrushchev personally wrote a letter on October 26 addressed to the American leadership, in which he proposed to withdraw Soviet missiles from Cuba in exchange for lifting the quarantine, refusing to invade the island by the United States, and withdrawing American missiles from Turkey.
On October 27, the Cuban leadership became aware of the new conditions of the Soviet leadership for resolving the crisis. The island was preparing for a possible American invasion, which, according to available data, was to begin within the next three days. An additional alarm was caused by the flight of an American U-2 reconnaissance aircraft over the island. Thanks to the Soviet anti-aircraft missile systems The C-75 aircraft was shot down and the pilot (Rudolf Anderson) was killed. On the same day, another American aircraft flew over the USSR (over Chukotka). However, in this case, everything went without casualties: the interception and escort of the aircraft by Soviet fighters.
The nervous atmosphere that reigned in the American leadership was growing. President Kennedy was categorically advised by the military to begin military operation against Cuba in order to neutralize Soviet missiles on the island as quickly as possible. However, such a decision would unconditionally lead to a large-scale conflict and a response from the USSR, if not in Cuba, then in another region. Nobody needed a full-scale war.
Conflict resolution and aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis
During the negotiations between the brother of the President of the United States Robert Kennedy and the Soviet ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin were formulated general principles on the basis of which it was envisaged to resolve the created crisis. These principles formed the basis of a message from John F. Kennedy sent to the Kremlin on October 28, 1962. This message offered the Soviet leadership to withdraw Soviet missiles from Cuba in exchange for guarantees of non-aggression from the United States and the lifting of the island's quarantine. Regarding American missiles in Turkey, it was indicated that this issue also has the prospect of being resolved. The Soviet leadership, after some thought, responded positively to J. Kennedy's message, and on the same day, the dismantling of Soviet nuclear missiles began in Cuba.
The last Soviet missiles from Cuba were taken out 3 weeks later, and already on November 20, J. Kennedy announced the end of Cuba's quarantine. Also, soon American ballistic missiles were withdrawn from Turkey.
The Caribbean crisis was resolved quite successfully for the whole world, but not everyone was satisfied with the current state of affairs. So, both in the USSR and in the USA, high-ranking and influential persons were under the governments, interested in the escalation of the conflict and, as a result, very disappointed with its detente. There are a number of versions that it was thanks to their assistance that John F. Kennedy was assassinated (November 23, 1963) and N. S. Khrushchev was deposed (in 1964).
The result of the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962 was international detente, which was expressed in the improvement of relations between the US and the USSR, as well as in the creation of a number of anti-war movements around the world. This process took place in both countries and became a kind of symbol of the 70s of the XX century. Its logical conclusion was the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan and new round rising tensions between the US and the USSR.
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In 1962, the Russians decided to place nuclear missiles in Cuba. However, the Americans found out about this, and only a few minutes remained before the nuclear apocalypse. At the center of these events was at that time a young and aspiring dictator Fidel Castro. He already had experience in the massacres of "opponents" and the elimination of former comrades-in-arms.
We must eliminate Fidel Castro and his brother Raul, Minister of Defense! This idea was first expressed by Colonel J. S. King, head of the Western Division of the CIA, on December 11, 1959, in a memorandum addressed to Director Allen Dulles and his deputy, Richard Bissell. King recalled that a left-wing dictatorship was being formed in Cuba: Castro had nationalized banks, industry and business, while supporting revolutionary movements in Latin America. In 1960, the CIA offered the Mafia $150,000 to kill Fidel. However, the mafia did not manage to get close to him.
The terror in Cuba was on the rise. Presumably, by the end of 1960, 15-17 thousand opponents of the new regime were executed. Hundreds of thousands of people fled to the United States. On December 1, 1961, Fidel Castro even proudly declared: "I am a Marxist-Leninist and will remain so until my last breath." Thus, he lost the support of most of the countries of Latin America, and in January 1962 the Organization of American States expelled Cuba from its ranks. In February, the US imposed an embargo on trade with Cuba.
It was in December that General Edward Lansdale, a veteran of the Vietnam Special Operations Forces, along with William K. Harvey and Samuel Halpern of the CIA, launched the sabotage operation Mongoose. Her goal was to send a terrorist group to Cuba and find a way to eliminate Fidel Castro. It was one of the 30 parts of the Cuban Project.
In addition, the CIA participated in the landing of 1,500 Cuban emigrants on the island on April 17, 1961 on the beach in the Bay of Pigs. From March 1960 they were trained in camps in Guatemala, Nicaragua and in the US-administered Panama Canal Zone. President Kennedy inherited this task after Eisenhower. However, Kennedy was skeptical about the landing in Cuba and ordered that American forces not interfere with the operation itself. Fidel Castro sent an army against the invading emigrants, which in three days smashed them to smithereens.
“The Bay of Pigs was a personal defeat for J.F. Kennedy,” Nalevka wrote. “The president took full responsibility, but until the end of his life he reproached himself for having given in to the authorities of the intelligence service.” CIA director Dulles was forced to resign. Kennedy appointed John McCone, a Republican who had established himself as chairman of the Commission on atomic energy.
Russian "students" and "economic experts" are going to Cuba
Missiles are being deployed in Cuba! On Sunday, October 14, 1962, a U-2 reconnaissance aircraft took 928 pictures over Cuba, in which experts saw one launcher and several more dismantled. One missile was even installed in a position near San Cristobal, a hundred kilometers southwest of Havana. 20 containers at the airfield in San Julian were hidden by Il-28 bombers, codified as Beagle. In 12 minutes of flight at an altitude of nine to ten kilometers, Major Richard S. Heiser covered about 90% of the territory.
Context
How the US played Russian roulette with nuclear war
The Guardian 17.10.2012Lessons from the Caribbean Crisis
Slate.fr 10/16/2012Sergei Khrushchev @ InoTV: "For my father, the Cuban Missile Crisis was an invitation to bargain"
BBC World 24.10.2007When National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy broke the news to John F. Kennedy on Tuesday, October 16, 1962, at fifteen minutes to nine in the morning, the President did not believe it at first. Did Khrushchev go on such an adventure?
"The United States must eliminate this threat!" - decided Kennedy and immediately called the members of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (Exkom). By noon, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of State and the Attorney General, as well as some of their deputies, the director of the CIA with his specialists, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and various advisers arrived at the White House.
The content of the images was explained in detail by the Deputy Director of the CIA, General Marshall Carter. According to him, two types of Soviet medium-range missiles were visible. SS-4 is the code designation used in the Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense (DIA), in NATO - Sandal, for the Russian P-12, the range of which reaches 630-700 nautical miles, that is, about 1.5 thousand kilometers. And the range of the SS-5/Skean or R-14 reaches 1,100 nautical miles, that is, 2,000 kilometers. In 10 to 20 minutes they would have destroyed all the American and Canadian cities in the east. 80 million victims!
Kennedy grew gloomy. Are the missiles ready to launch? Are there nuclear warheads? These two questions worried him the most.
Carter could only give him a vague answer: it looks like they want to deploy 16 to 24 SS-4s, and this will take from a week to two. So far, we have no evidence that nuclear warheads are also stored there, but we have no doubt that they have been brought or will be brought.
The situation in Cuba has changed radically. The USSR does not have enough intercontinental missiles who could threaten us - a maximum of a hundred, and we have seven thousand more. Therefore, the Union wants to turn the island into an unsinkable base, from where they can easily and quickly attack us.
Bundy, Director of Intelligence John McCone, Chief of Staff Maxwell Taylor, and former Secretary of State Dean Acheson offered various solutions: either immediately bomb the missile sites or send marines, or do both!
Already on August 10, Kennedy received a warning from McCone that the USSR was going to deploy medium-range missiles in Cuba. The Americans had a fairly large intelligence network on the island, and its members reported the arrival of a large number of Russians with unknown cargoes, the marking of restricted areas, and some managed to hear mention of missiles. Then the president ordered the intelligence service to verify this information in every possible way. At the end of August, a U-2 aircraft flew over Cuba.
All these are just defense missiles. Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, who participated in the meeting of the US National Security Council on August 17, agreed on this opinion. McCone insisted on his own. No! These are medium range missiles.
He knew this for sure, because the CIA and British MI6 received their description from Agent Gero, colonel of the Soviet military intelligence service GRU Oleg Penkovsky.
He managed to photograph the instructions for the R-12 and R-14 missiles, which described the maintenance and the period required to install these missiles. So the CIA knew exactly what types of missiles looked like and what properties they had, as well as methods for disguising them, including containers for transporting them. The agent had access to many secret military documents and took pictures as much as he could, and passed the films to his contacts or talked about the details with American and British intelligence officers during his business trips to the West. Thanks to the fact that many editions of the military magazine were also copied, Western generals were aware of both the thought process and the strategy of the Soviets.
Indeed, the USSR has never deployed missiles of this type outside its territory, but they have Cuba under their control. And this time the USSR did just that, McCone believed.
However, neither the president nor the ministers wanted to believe the reports of these missiles. They still believed that we are talking only about anti-aircraft missiles.
Then 60-year-old McCone went to Seattle in the northeastern United States to get married there, and then went to Honeymoon To France.
Since the end of July, more than five thousand people from the Soviet Union and other countries of its bloc have come to Cuba, according to the final CIA report of August 22. Allegedly, they were all economic experts and students, but the secrecy around them raised suspicions that their tasks were different. Many sailed on ships that were overloaded. IN Lately was seen 20 Soviet ships with military cargo.
New political trends
The United States still couldn't handle the humiliation of Soviet space superiority. The first man in the Universe in April 1961 was the Russian Yuri Gagarin. The first American John Glenn flew into space in February next year. In the summer of 1962, the USSR confirmed its superiority by sending two people to two spaceships one after another.
The President placed special emphasis on modern combat missiles and nuclear weapons, as well as on expanding the traditional arsenal. These projects cost tens of billions of dollars. In addition, Kennedy changed his mind about nuclear war: instead of a crushing response, he preferred strikes against exclusively strategic enemy targets. The concept of flexible response has emerged.
“The United States has come to the conclusion that in a possible nuclear war, we should consider military strategy in much the same way as in conventional military operations in the past,” said Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. - During a nuclear conflict, the main goal should be to destroy the military potential of the enemy, and not its civilian population. Thus, we give a potential adversary the most powerful impetus of all possible in order to refuse to strike at our cities.
The USSR should have known that if it surpassed NATO forces in one area of weapons, this would immediately entail a reaction at the highest level, which could eventually lead to nuclear war. “NATO has repeatedly stated that it will never use military force first, nevertheless, the alliance will not give in to the USSR and will not refuse to use nuclear weapons first if the alliance is attacked,” wrote British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in her memoirs “ Years in Downing Street.
Kennedy confirmed his acceptance of a nuclear first strike in March 1962 in Newsweek magazine: "Let the USSR not think that the United States will not strike first if American vital interests are threatened."
The USSR did not give up. In mid-1961, in the north, he tested hydrogen bomb with a capacity of 50 megatons, that is, it was ten times more powerful than all the warheads and bombs used in World War II.
In May or June 1960, GRU agent Murat obtained a copy of the American plan of November 1959 for nuclear bombing The Soviet Union and the countries under its control, as retired Captain First Rank Viktor Lyubimov wrote in Military Parade magazine. The plan spoke of a planned NATO operation after this strike.
In February or March 1962, Murat stole even more detailed plan, according to which the Americans wanted to destroy 696 targets on the territory of the Warsaw Pact states.
The findings shocked the Soviet leadership. How can we prevent this? It would be convenient to make Cuba its unsinkable base, which cannot establish normal relations with the United States.
When Fidel Castro overthrew Batista, he acted not like a communist, but like a political simpleton. He wanted to maintain equal relations with the United States, but Washington could not understand this. Insensitive American policy gradually cut off Cuba from the Western world. The revolutionary leader was pressed by his left comrades, and Moscow opened its arms to him. In addition, Castro did not want to end up like the democratically elected President of Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz, who was overthrown by the generals in 1954 with the help of the CIA. Fidel liked power, and in order to stay at the helm, he liquidated his right-wing friends. The dictatorship of Batista was soon replaced by the left-wing dictatorship of Castro. For the Americans, he became enemy number one, because he stubbornly contradicted them and tried to infect the discontented in Latin America with revolutionary ideas.
Nevertheless, he did not dare to encroach on the American military base at Guantanamo, which is located in the north of the island. He only tried to democratically terminate the agreement of the beginning of the century on the lease of this territory.
Unofficial connection with the Kremlin
When Robert Kennedy, the president's brother, became Attorney General, he realized that the government needed to establish some kind of informal and quick connection with the Kremlin. As a rule, special services officers are suitable for such purposes. He knew from the FBI that Georgy Bolshakov, head of the Soviet TASS news agency and then embassy press officer, was in fact a GRU colonel who was well acquainted with Khrushchev's son-in-law Alexei Adzhubei. Bolshakov also occasionally met with Daily News editor John Goleman.
The minister asked the journalist to arrange a meeting for him with Bolshakov. When the colonel informed the leadership about this, such meetings were categorically forbidden to him. Did they put spokes in his wheels? Envy his connections? Probably all together.
On the morning of May 9, 1961, when the USSR was celebrating Victory Day, Golman called Bolshakov to agree on new meeting and said, "Now I will take you to the Minister of Justice." The agent could no longer refuse and spat on the prohibition of his superiors.
They went to the minister's private residence. Both Bolshakov and Kennedy probed the waters, talking about politics: about the situation in Laos, Cambodia and Cuba, about the upcoming meeting between John F. Kennedy and Khrushchev. The Russian spent five hours at the residence. The minister told him that only the president, who also approved it, knew about this meeting, and if a Russian diplomat wanted to call him, that he could do it by office phone by telling the secretary or adviser your name. Who he is, they will know.
After returning to the embassy, Bolshakov telegraphed to Moscow. The authorities were not happy. The leadership of the GRU was tormented by questions: why did Robert Kennedy choose Bolshakov? Why do Americans need such informal contact? “The situation when a member of the American government meets with our man, all the more secretly, knows no precedent,” the GRU generals wrote in an internal memorandum.
The second time the minister invited the Soviet diplomat on May 21, 1961 to his summer residence. Again, they talked about a range of political issues. Then they talked on the phone. It was a kind of preparation for the meeting between John F. Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna. Despite the fact that the Soviet leader did not trust the intelligence reports too much, this time he considered them useful. Messages from Bolshakov were received by a group of advisers led by Anatoly Dobrynin, who were preparing materials for the meeting in Vienna.
However, Kennedy and Khrushchev did not find a common language. The Soviet leader got the impression that the president was too young and soft and simply not ripe for such a post.
Nevertheless, Khrushchev realized how important this contact was, so he even sent unofficial messages to the White House through Bolshakov.
The ensuing series of about four meetings between the Minister of Justice and a GRU colonel took place from September 1961 to September 1962. Robert Kennedy gave Bolshakov the opportunity to talk to some White House advisers as well. Thus, he wanted to make it clear to the leadership of the USSR how politics is being done, and what kind of pressure and tricks the US political leaders have to resist.
Their relationship strengthened and became more and more personal. Sometimes the Russian and his wife spent the weekend with the Kennedy family outside the city, and in return they invited the family to a purely personal holiday - the wedding anniversary.
In early September 1962, shortly before Bolshakov left on vacation, the minister invited him to the White House and brought him to the president, who told the Russian that he was concerned about the number of Soviet warships in Cuba. American aviation cut off this supply route. When Bolshakov said that Khrushchev did not like the number of spy plane overflights, Kennedy promised to stop them. Robert Kennedy added that the military is putting pressure on his brother, and the Kremlin should take this into account.
In Moscow, Bolshakov learned that Khrushchev was also on vacation. He gave the General Secretary a message that he had important information for him from the White House, and Bolshakov was taken directly to Khrushchev in Pitsunda in the Crimea. The Kremlin leader was in good spirits: “Kennedy is president or not? If he is a strong president, he should not be afraid of anyone. After all, he has power in his hands, and even his brother is the Minister of Justice. Khrushchev misjudged the head of the White House, considering him an indecisive intellectual.
However, Khrushchev did not mention the deployment of missiles in Cuba in a conversation with Bolshakov. Even at the embassy in Washington, no one knew about it.
Suspicious undercover pictures
In early September 1962, Robert Kennedy met with Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin. The diplomat said that the weapons that Moscow sends to Cuba are of a defensive nature.
Pictures from a U-2 reconnaissance plane, taken on September 5, showed the installation of anti-aircraft missiles. But more people were present to serve them than is usually required.
On September 4, John F. Kennedy warned Moscow against deploying surface-to-surface missiles in Cuba. The Kremlin responded on September 11: we are not going to deploy strategic missiles outside Soviet territory. Bolshakov said the same thing to Robert Kennedy when he returned from vacation. At the same time, in early September, Soviet soldiers were already building nine positions for missiles: six for the R-12 and three for the R-14. The president sent a second warning on September 13. Even the September 19 CIA Special National Intelligence Evaluation stated that Soviet offensive weapons in Cuba were unlikely.
Despite this, the president finally gave the order to put 150,000 reserve troops on alert. At the same time, it was announced that large-scale exercises would take place in the Caribbean Sea in mid-October. Havana claimed that all this was just a front for an invasion operation. Moscow has reiterated that it is not sending nuclear weapons to Cuba.
At a UN meeting in New York, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko threatened the United States that if they attacked Cuba, they could provoke a war with the Soviet Union. His words were supported by Cuban President Osvaldo Dorticos.
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara took another preventive step. On October 1, he discussed with the Chiefs of Staff and the commander of the Atlantic Flotilla, Admiral Robert Dennison, preparations for a blockade of Cuba, if necessary.
They were spurred on by a message from Colonel John R. Wright of the DIA this morning: “We are aware of 15 locations where SA-2/Goa anti-aircraft missiles (Soviet designation S-75) are planned to be deployed. Since September 15, radio signals confirming the presence of SA-2 have been picked up by the antennas of the National Security Agency. A closed zone appeared in the central part of the province of Pinar dal Rio, and the locals had to leave it. We have unconfirmed reports of the presence of SS-4/Sandal medium-range missiles. One of our informants saw some long "cigars" on special chassis on September 12 at Campo Libertad near Havana."
The next day, the head of the intelligence department of the State Department, Roger Hilsman, sent out information that MiG-21 fighter jets and 16 Komar coastal patrol missile boats were in Cuba.
However, footage taken from the U-2 from 5 to 7 October did not confirm the presence of offensive weapons. But in images from the Samos reconnaissance satellite on October 10, photo analysts from the National Image Interpretation Center (NPIC) saw the outlines of missile positions under construction in the western part of the island. We must go there again and as soon as possible!
However, new flights were postponed due to bad weather. Only on Sunday, October 14, pilot Major Richard S. Heiser was able to take to the skies. His pictures were analyzed on Monday. At half-past eight that evening, CIA Deputy Director Ray Kline called Bundy and Roger Hilsman with the shocking news that Cuba was deploying medium-range missiles.
They spoke an unprotected line, and Kline used code names that both officials understood. Hillsman briefed Secretary of State Dean Rusk. The President was on a campaign tour and Bundy only gave him the information in the morning. But Secretary of Defense McNamara presented pictures of San Cristobal as early as midnight.
Why are Soviet missiles deployed? On Tuesday at noon, the members of the Excom could not come to a consensus. Perhaps, by doing so, Khrushchev wants to strengthen his position before the next negotiations on the status of West Berlin? Or wants to threaten American territory?
Ambassador Thomas Thompson, who returned from Moscow three months ago and knew Khrushchev best of all, recommended giving the USSR time to think. Perhaps they want to take a better position before the negotiations on Berlin.
The President ordered U-2 flights to be carried out much more frequently: since the spring of 1962, the island was photographed, as a rule, twice a month, and now they must be photographed six times a day. So Kennedy wanted to capture every square meter Cuban territory. He repeated two questions: when will these missiles be ready to launch, and do they have nuclear warheads?
On Tuesday, October 16, politicians and generals could not agree on anything. Macken spoke about the situation with former president Eisenhower. The hero of the war, whom everyone respected, recommended the immediate launch of a naval and air operation.
Kennedy remained cautious: "I don't want to be the Tojo of the sixties!" Hideki Tojo was the Japanese prime minister who ordered the attack on Pearl Harbor without a declaration of war and was executed as a war criminal in 1948. The president feared most of all that the USSR, using violence, would seize West Berlin.
However, the president agreed to a partial mobilization of the armed forces. On Tuesday evening, the 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions were put on alert, the air force stepped up the reserve, and the navy tightened control in the Caribbean. Later, two armored divisions and part of infantry division. An infantry regiment was recalled from Germany and artillery unit. In the south, the navy expanded its aircraft. All preparations were carried out in the strictest secrecy.
Bolshakov phoned Robert Kennedy with a comforting message from Khrushchev: "We will by no means send surface-to-surface missiles to Cuba." The ambassador himself did not even suspect that this was a lie, that the Kremlin had deceived him too.
On Monday, the planned exercise Fibriflex-62 began in the Caribbean off the island of Vieques. 40 warships with 4,000 marines practiced a strike against the notional dictator Ortsak, but in reality against Castro.
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